BACKGROUND
THE CIRCUMSTANCES AT THE CLOSE OF THE 16TH CENTURY in the Deccan were very similar to
those prevailing at the close of the 13th century. At that time the Turks, who had consolidated their
position in the north, were poised for their first aggression against the Deccan. The Deccan had
been then a conglomeration of warring Hindu states. The rulers of the Deccan could have, with
foresight and judgment, united their warring states, presented a bold front to the invaders from the
north, and defeated them. But none of these rulers namely, the Yadavas of Devagiri, the Hoyasalas
of Dvarasamudra, and the Kakatiyas of Warangal possessed the intelligence to anticipate the future.
The Deccan, thus succumbed to the incessant pressure of the Turkish invaders from the north. The
close of the 16th century told a similar story but in a different perspective. The fourteenth century
witnessed the destruction of the northern hold over the Deccan, the establishment in the Deccan of
a separate Muslim dynasty, the Bahamanis, and in the south, the Hindu Empire of Vijayanagar, the
Muslim state of Khandes, and numerous petty principalities in Telangana, Gondvana, and Baglana
under Hindu chiefs. The Bahamani kingdom continued its existence for well over a century and a
quarter till 1490, when it disintegrated. Out of its remains were established the kingdoms of
Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, Berar, Gokonda and Bidar. The history of these kingdoms is one of
internecine and fratricidal wars. Over a period of 100 years these kingdoms thoroughly exhausted
themselves. By the close of the 16th century the Moghals were poised for the invasion of the
Deccan. The Faruqi dynasty had already fallen and the kingdom of Ahmadnagar was reeling under
the heavy blows it had received from the Moghals. The Ahmadnagar dynasty, which had
appropriated Berar in 1574, could manage to survive only by the cession of Berar to the Moghals. In
the face of this new danger the surviving Muslim dynasties had not the foresight to judge the danger
that lay ahead of them. Slowly the process of the southward Moghal expansion which had begun in
1600 engulfed the whole of the south. The kingdoms of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda
capitulated and in 1687 the conquest of the Deccan by the Moghals was completed. It was only the
Marathas, under the supreme leadership of Sivaji who sustained the Moghal onslaught and defied
the Moghal might. In this chapter, it is proposed to describe the history of the Moghal
266 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
conquest of the Deccan from 1600 to 1687 and narrate the history of the dynasties of Ahmadnagar,
Bijapur, Bidar and Golconda from 1600 till their extinction.
As noted earlier in the history of the Nizamsahi Kingdom of Ahmadnagar, in 1600 A.D. Akbar
had captured Ahmadnagar. The capital of what remained of the Ahmadnagar territory was shifted to
Parenda where Malik Ambar raised to the throne the son of Sah Ali, the third son of Burhan I, under
the title of Murtaza Nizam Sah II1. Malik Ambar succeeded in defeating the Moghal troops in southeastern
Berar. This defeat, however, could not invigorate the energiesi of the Ahmadnagar kingdom
and a treaty of peace was signed between the two on 23 January 1602. After the fall of Khandes
and Ahmadnagar, Akbar had planned the conquest of Bijapur, Golconda and Bidar. On 28 April
1605, the Moghal prince Danial, died in the Deccan due to excess of drinking. Akbar, died on the
midnight of 25-26 October 1605. On 3 November 1605, Salim was crowned emperor and assumed
the title of Jahahgir
JAHANGIR.
Jahangir's accession to the throne was followed by the rebellion of his son Khusrav, and
unrest in Bihar. There was a plot against his own life. He put down these risings with a firm hand
and proceeded to reduce Mevar. When Jahangir was busy reducing Mevar, Malik Ambar decided to
take advantage of the absence of an able Moghal general in the Deccan. He had strengthened the
position of Murtaza Nizam Sah by his wisdom and sagacity. He now thought of harassing the
imperial army which was in possession of Ahmadnagar, by following guerilla tactics of warfare. His
army included a substantial element of Maratha infantry and cavalry. Jahangir appointed Raja
Mansingh to the command of the imperial forces. He was soon replaced by Khan Khanan.
All the attempts of Khan Khanan spread over a period of one year failed to subdue Malik
Ambar. Jahahglr, thereupon, appointed Prince Parviz to take command, with Asaf Khan2 as his
principal general. Another expedition against Malik Ambar failed to subdue him. Khan Khanan was
forced to come to terms with Malik Ambar and retired to Burhanpur. The cessation of hostilities was
short-lived and Malik Ambar soon laid siege to Ahmadnagar which was bravely defended by Khvaja
1 It may be mentioned here that the kingdoms of Bijapur, Golconda and Bidar, however,
remained intact. Bidar was later annexed by Bijapur in 1619.
2When Parviz was appointed to the viceroyalty of Khandesh and the Moghal Deccan, he left
Agra for Burhanpur. The situation in the Deccan was very crucial and he expected an attack from
Ibrahim Adil Shah. To thwart such an eventuality he requested the emperor to depute a resident
envoy to the court of Bijapur. Though Ibrahim Adil Shah did not actually ally himself with Malik
Ambar, he conceded Malik Ambar's request to hand over the fortress of Kandhar to him. Malik
Ambar took possession of the fort and used it as base of operations against the Moghals. As the fort
was a long way from the frontiers of Moghal Ahmadnagar, it gave Malik Ambar a distinct advantage
against the Moghals.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 267
Beg Mirza. Succour from Burhanpur could not reach in time and Ahmadnagar had to be
surrendered1
When the news of these disasters reached Jahangir, he first decided to take the command in
person. Later, he thought it fit to change the Generals in command. He first sent Pir Khan Lodi alias
Khan Jahan to the Deccan with reinforcements. After making an appraisal of the situation he put
Khan Jahan in overall command of the imperial forces in the Deccan in 1610. Khan-i-Azam was
deputed as his second-in-command. Khan Khanan was recalled and Mahabat Khan was sent to
escort him back to the capital. The change in the command and the arrival of reinforcements made
no impression upon Malik Ambar. Malik Ambar's forces were accustomed to fight a war which suited
the difficult terrain of the Deccan. The Moghals were not adept in the tactics of guerilla warfare. To
crown all this, the imperial command lacked unity of action and purpose. What the Moghals gained
in men and material by way of reinforcements, they lost on the battle fields. Jahangir now sent
another General Abdullah Khan to the Deccan in 1611. The imperial command now planned a twopronged
drive against Ahmadnagar. One was to be led from the west by Abdullah Khan and the
other from Khandes and Berar was to be commanded by Khan Jahan and Raja Mansihgh. Abdullah
Khan advanced as far as Daulatabad but failed to keep contact with the Berar forces as decided
earlier. The concerted move to trap Malik Ambar failed miserably. Abdullah Khan was harassed by
the Deccani bands of cavalry which continuously hovered round his army. Raja Mansingh tried in
vain to retrieve the situation. Abdullah Khan was reduced to such miserable straits that he was
forced to retire to Gujarat after sustaining heavy losses2. In the mean-
1 The details of these operations were as under: In the year 1610 Parviz decided to attack the
Ahmadnagar territory by the little known and difficult eastern route. Khan Khanan, the Moghal
general, strongly advised against such an expedition. But Parviz undertook the expedition with
disastrous results. He was defeated and his supplies were cut off by the Maratha auxiliaries. The
situation became so critical for him that he faced the possibility of total capitulation. But Malik Ambar
did not force the issue and Parviz escaped by his hurried retreat to Burhanpur through Berar. He
was, however, hotly pursued and his baggage was plundered. It was with difficulty that he reached
Burhanpur.
2 The details of this are as follows:
Defeat in the Dakhin.—Affairs in the Dakhin were in a very unsatisfactory state in
consequence of the bad generalship and want of care of Khan-i-Azam, and a defeat had been
suffered by Abdulla Khan. I summoned Khwaja Abu-l Hasan to my presence, and after inquiry, I
ascertained that the disaster was attributable partly to the conceit and rashness of 'Abdulla Khan,
and partly to discord and want of co-operation among the amirs.
Abdu-lla Khan and the officers who had been appointed to serve under him marched with the
army of Gujarat by way of Nasik Tirbang. This force was well equipped; its numbers were from
10,000 to 14,000, and the officers serving in it were**. It had been arranged that another force
should advance from the side of Birar under the command of Raja Man Singh, Khan Jahan, the
Amiru-l Umarah and other officers. These two armies were to keep up communications, and to be
informed of each other's movements, so that they might at an appointed time close in upon the
enemy. If this plan had been carried out frankly and cordially without jealousy, it is very probable
that under God's grace it would have succeeded.
Abdu-lla Khan, having passed the Ghats, entered the country of the enemy, but made no
arrangements for sending messengers to obtain intelligence of the other force, and to regulate his
movements in concert, so as to place the enemy between
268 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
while, Khurram, who had been appointed to the Mevar campaign, had succeeded there beyond
expectations. As a matter of fact the Rana of Mevar had agreed to accept Moghal suzerainty. The
Deccan campaign, however, could not achieve any appreciable results and Parviz, the governor of
the Deccan and his officers made very little progress. Of Parviz, it was said that he was addicted to
wine and had very little heart in the business on hand. Jahanglr, therefore, decided once again to
change the overall command of the Deccan campaign as he had done in 1608. He transferred
Parviz to Allahabad and appointed Khurram to take his place (1616). Jahangir himself moved over
to Mandu so as to be near to the scene of operations.
In the Deccan, Khurram took over his new charge, and succeeded in achieving, partly at
least, by negotiations, what his predecessor could not succeed in achieving through a protracted
and tortuous war.
The officers of the Sultanates of Deccan, which had been waging costly wars among
themselves and had grown very weak, were easily bribed by Khurram. They offered peace terms to
the Moghals totally humiliating to their masters. Ibrahim Adil of Bijapur agreed to pay tribute. At the
same time he expressed his willingness to surrender the territory of Ahmad-nagar conquered by
him. The Bijapur envoys who had gone to Mandu to offer the terms of surrender to Jahanglr were
warmly received. Khurram was given the title of Sah Jahan. It is difficult to visualise the material
Moghal gains at the so called conclusion of this campaign by Khurram. The Moghals did not
contd.
the two armies. He trusted entirely to his own power, and thought that if he could effect the victory
himself, it would be all the better. Acting upon this view, he paid no heed to Raja Man Singh when
the latter wished to settle a concerted plan.
The enemy kept a sharp watch over his movements, and sent a large force of Mahrattas
(bargiyan), who skirmished with him all day, and harassed him at night with rockets and other fiery
projectiles, till the main body of the enemy drew near, and he was quite unware of their proximity,
although he approached Daulatabad, a stronghold of the Dakhinis.**' Ambar the black-faced, who
had placed himself in command of the enemy, continually brought up reinforcements till he had
assembeled a large force, and he constantly annoyed ' Abdu-lla with rockets and various kinds of
fiery missiles (atashbazi), till he reduced him to a sad condition. So, as the Imperial army had
received no reinforcements, and the enemy was in great force, it was deemed expedient to retreat,
and prepare for a new campaign. All the chiefs were unanimous in favour of this, and before dawn
they began to fall back. The enemy pressed upon them to the boundaries of their own territory, but
either side held its own. But a party of our force courted a serious encounter, and 'Ali Mardan Khan,
after a valorous conflict, was left wounded in the hands of the enemy. ** After another day, when
they reached the frontier of Raja Baharjiu, an adherent of the Imperial throne, the enemy retired,
and ' Abdu-lla Khan proceeded to Gujarat. It seems clear, that if proper precautions had been taken,
and the two forces had been kept in co-operation, the objects of the campaign would have been
accomplished. On the retreat of 'Abdu-lla, the army, which marched by Way of Birar, had no
alternative but to retire; so it retreated and joined the camp of Prince Parwez, near Burhanpur. On
receiving this information, I was greatly excited, and felt inclined to proceed thither myself to retrieve
the position. But Khwaja Abu-l Hasan remonstrated ** and I resolved to send Khan-Khanan**.
The Dakhinis now made proposals for peace. Adil Khan professed amity, and promised, if the
affairs of the Dakhinis were left to him, that he would restore sundry districts to the Imperial officers.
I did not come to any decision on the matter, but left it to Khan-Khanan. —Wakiat-i Jahangiri in Elliot
and Dowson, Vol. VI, pp. 332—34.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 269
succeed in physically reducing the Deccan. Malik Ambar was growing stronger everyday. The
necessity to maintain a strong army in the Deccan to contain the activities of Malik Ambar imposed
a growing burden on the Moghals. The Moghal administration had also not taken cognisance of
another factor in the political atmosphere of the Deccan. It was the emergence of a new fighting
spirit among the local populace which had a preponderant majority over the local Muslim element.
They had been subdued for centuries. Their capacity to offer resistance was only dormant. It had
not died out.
With the conclusion of the treaty with Bijapur and a temporary halt to hostilities Jahangir
moved away first to Gujarat and then to Kasmir. His health was fast deteriorating due to his
intemperate habits. After two years the situation in the Deccan again became explosive.
Malik Ambar had conciliated the Sultans of Bijapur and Golconda1. He recruited large bands
of Maratha cavalrymen and besieged Ahmadnagar. The Moghals were harried by the guerilla tactics
of the Deccani troops and suffered heavily through the hit and run tactics followed by the Maratha
cavalry. They fell back on Burhanpur. The situation was so uncertain that contingents of Deccani
cavalry strayed into Malva and endangered Mandu. At this time Malik Ambar commanded a strong
force of 60,000 under him. The emperor who was then at Lahore appointed Sah Jahan and Khusrav
to the joint command of the Deccan expedition2 Both Sah Jahan and Khusrav marched towards the
south in 1620. They beat
1 It may be noted here that the Sultans of Golconda did not show much concern about the life
and death struggle that was going on in the north-west Deccan between the Moghals and the
kingdom of Ahmadnagar. Muhammad Quli Kutb Shah died in 1612 and was succeeded by his
nephew Muhammad Qutb Shah. Both these Sultans were busy with their wars in the Karnatak,
Orissa and Bastar. The Golconda court was embroile'd in the useless conflict between the Deccanis
and the foreigners. As such they evinced no keen interest in the struggle between the Moghals and
Malik Ambar except by supporting Malik Ambar through pecuniary contributions. In 1626
Muhammad Qutb Shah died and was succeeded to the throne by his thirteen year old son Abdullah
Qutb Shah.
2 The details of this are as follows:
Shah Jahan sent to the Dakhin-—In these happy days, when I was enjoying myself in hunting
and travelling in Kashmir, successive despatches arrived from the Dakhin. When the royal Court left
the capital, evil disposed men in the Dakhin, failing in duty and loyalty, raised the standard of
rebellion. They got many of the dependencies of Ahmadnagar and Birar into their power, and the
despatches related how they were maintaining themselves by plunder and devastation, and were
burning and destroying ships and provender. On the former occasion, when I marched with the
Imperial army to effect the conquest of the Dakhin, Khurram, who commanded the advance, arrived
at Burhanpur. The insurgents, with that craft which distinguished them, made him their intercessor,
and abandoned the Imperial territory. They presented large offerings of money and valuables as
tribute, and engaged to remain quiet and loyal. At the instance of Khurram, I remained for some
days in the palace of Shadiabad at Mandu, and consented to forgive their misdeeds. Now that they
had once more thrown off their allegiance, it was my wish to send the Imperial army again under the
command of Khurram, to inflict upon them the punishment they deserved, and to make them an
example and warning for others. But he was engaged in the siege of Kangra, and many
experienced officers were with him on that service, so that for some days I could not determine what
to do.
270 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
back the marauding Deccani bands in Malva and reached reinforcements to Burhanpur. They threw
back the Deccani army which had besieged the town for almost two years. The imperial troops
advanced further and reached Khadki where Malik
contd.
Letters arrived one after the other reporting that the insurgents having gathered strength,
numbered nearly 60,000 horse, and had Occupied many parts of the Imperial dominions. The forces
which had been left in occupation had taken the field, and for three months had been operating
against the rebels, over whom they had obtained several advantages. But the rebels employed
themselves in plundering and laying waste the country about the Imperial forces, and there was no
road left open for the supply of provisions, so great want arose. Suddenly they descended from the
Balaghat, and stopped at Balapur. Emboldened by their impunity, they mediated a raid round
Balapur. The Imperial forces numbered 6,000 or 7,000 horse, and in some fighting which occurred,
they lost, their baggage. Many were killed or taken, and the rebels returned unmolested and
plundering to their quarters. Gathering forces from all sides, the rebels advanced fighting as far as
Azdu. Nearly 1,000 men fell on both sides. They stayed at Balapur for three months. The scarcity i n
the royal camp became very great, and many of the men fled and joined the rebels. The royal force
retreated to Burhanpur, and was followed and besieged there by the rebels. They remained for six
months round Burhanpur, and took possession of several districts in Birar and Khandesh, where
they by force exacted contributions from the people. The royal forces suffered great hardships and
privations, and being unable to endure longer, they came out of the city (?). This increased the
insolence and pride of the rebels. By the favour of God, Kangra had fallen and so on Friday, the 4th
De, I sent Khurram to the Dakhin, and I conferred upon him ten krors of dams, to be collected from
the country after its conquest. * * I now turned back on my return to the capital.
War in the Dakhin.—On the 4th Khurdad, letters arrived from Khurram. When the Imperial
forces reached Ujjain, a letter arrived from the force which held Mandu with the information that a
rebel force had boldly crossed the Nerbadda, had burnt several villages in sight of the fort, and was
engaged in plundering. The commander-in-chief sent forward Khwaja Abu-l Hasan, at the head of
5,000 horse, to march rapidly and inflict punishment on the rebels. The Khwaja arrived at daybreak
on the banks of the Nerbadda, but they had got information of his approach, and had crossed over
just before he came. The royal forces pursued them for nearly four kos, and put many of them to the
sword. The rebels retreated to Burhanpur. Khurram then wrote to the Khwaja, directing him to
remain on that side of the river until he himself arrived. Shortly afterwards Khurram joined the
advanced force, and they marched rapidly to Burhanpur. On their approach the rebels took to flight,
arid removed to a distance from Burhanpur, For two years the royal forces had been shut up in
Burhanpur, and had suffered greatly from want of food and supplies. They were greatly in want of
horses. The army remained there nine days to refit, arid during that time thirty lacs of rupees and
many coats were distributed among the Imperial soldiers. They had no sooner begun to move, than
the rebels, unable to make any resistance, fled. The royal forces pursued, and put many of them to
the sword. Thus giving them no time for repose, they drove them to Khirki which was the abode of
Nizamu-l Mulk and other rebels. But before the royal army arrived, the rebels carried off Nizamu-l
Mulk with all his family and dependents to the fortress of Daulatabad. Some of their men were
scattered about the country.
The royal forces stayed three days at Khirki, and so destroyed that town, which had taken
twenty years to build, that it will hardly recover its splendour for the next twenty years. Having
destroyed this place, it was determined to march to Ahmad-nagar, which was besieged by a rebel
force, and after driving off the besiegers, and revictualling and reinforcing the place, to return. With
this determination they marched to Pattan. The rebel now resorted to artifice, and sent envoys and
nobles to express his repentance and ask forgiveness. He promised ever afterwards to remain loyal,
and not to depart from the old arrangement, and also to send his tribute and a sum as an indemnity
to the Imperial Court. It happened that just at this time there was great want of provisions in the
royal camp, and the news arrived that the rebels, who were laying siege to Ahmadnagar, being
frightened at the approach of the royal army, had moved off to a distance. So a reinforcement and
some cash to supply his needs were sent to Khanjar Khan (the commandant). Having made every
necessary provision, the royal army set out on its return. After much entreaty on the part of the
rebel, it was settled that, besides the territory which was formerly held by the Imperial officers, a
space of fourteen kos beyond should be relinquished, and a sum of fiftv lacs of rupees should be
sent to the Imperial treasury. Wakiat-i Jahangiri in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VI, pp. 376-80.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 271
Ambar had shifted his capital. The new capital was razed to the ground1.
Malik Ambar now moved to Daulatabad with the royal family for safety. In the meanwhile the
imperial army was advancing to retake Ahmadnagar. Malik Ambar who realised the impossibility of
further resistance decided to negotiate for peace. Sah Jahan, whose supply line had now stretched
over a very long distance, and who was faced with the problem of scarcity agreed to negotiate2.
Under the provisions of the treaty all the territory captured by Malik Ambar from the Moghal
possessions of Ahmadnagar was to be restored to the Moghals. Besides, an additional strip of
territory about 25 to 28 miles wide was also to be ceded to the Moghals. A heavy tribute amounting
to 50 lakhs of rupees was also levied upon the three allies viz., Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Galconda.
The rainy season of 1621 was now approaching. Sah Jahan retired to Burhanpur. He embarked
upon the task of reorganising the administration of the province which had been laid waste by the
war. In 1622 Jahangir's favourite son Khusrav died. Many suspected foul play by Sah Jahan. He,
however, informed the emperor that Khusrav had died of colic. The relations between the Emperor
and Sah Jahan were now estranged due to Sah Jahan's refusal to proceed to Quandhar posthaste
to thwart the attack of the Sah of Persia3
Shah Jahan's Rebellion.
There was also some dispute regarding the assignment of Ranthambore and Dholpur. The
unwillingness of Sah Jahan to obey the commands of the emperor could be mainly attributed to his
resentment at the growing influence of his step-mother Nur Jahan in the adminis- tration of the
empire and his fear that his claims to the throne would be set aside in favour of his youngest brother
Sahriyar. Then followed the tragic episode of Sah Jahan's unsuccessful rebellion4.Deserted by his
trusted officers and soldiers, the rebel
1 Shah Jahan " so devastated a city which had taken twenty years in the building that it was
doubtful whether another twenty years would suffice to restore it to its pristine splendour."
2 Shah Jahan now experienced a foretaste of the Maratha warfare which, later brought his son
to the grave. He had driven before him like chaff before the wind an enemy who dared not withstand
him in the field; he had confined his principal antagonist within the wall of a fortress, but his own
troops were starving. By all rules of war he was the victor. In fact he was as helpless as his
adversary and was obliged to come to terms, which, however, were honourable to the empire.
3 The delayed departure of Shah Jahan, however, gave Malik Ambar the breathing space he
required. He regrouped his forces and marched to the frontiers of Golconda to demand the tribute
which was in arrears for two years due to Malik Ambar's pre-occupation with the Moghals.
Muhammad Qutb Shah paid the arrears of tribute and promised to pay it regularly in future. It was
when Malik Ambar was engaged with the Moghal forces that Ibrahim Adil Shah had attacked Bidar
in 1620 and annexed it to his territory. Malik Ambar had regarded this as an act of treachery and
attacked Bidar after returning from the frontiers of Golconda. He defeated the Adil Shahi garrison of
Bidar and plundered the town. He then retired to Daulatabad.
4 Details of the rebellion of Shah Jahan are given in the following paragraphs:—
Rebellion of Shah Jahan.—Intelligence was brought that Khurram had seized upon some of
the jagirs of Nur Jahan Begam and Prince Shahriyar. He had fought with Ashrafu-l-Mulk, an officer
of Shahriyar's, who had been appointed faujdar of Dholpur and the country round, and several men
had been killed on both sides.
272 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
was reduced to sorry straits. He strayed into the Deccan for support. Malik Ambar refused him help,
busy as he was in preparing for an attack on Bijapur. Sah Jahan sent dispatches to Qutb Sah of
Golconda. There too, he could find no support. Even Khan Khanan, his most trusted lieutenant
deserted him at this critical hour and offered his submission to Parviz, the Governor of the Deccan.
In despair, Sah Jahan, hotly pursued by imperial troops, entered the territory of Golconda. Qutb
contd.
I had been offended by his delaying at the fort of Mandu, and by his improper and foolish
statements in his letters, and I had perceived by his insolence that his mind was estranged. Upon
hearing of this further inteiligence, I saw that, notwithstanding all the favour and kindness I had
shown him, his mind was perverted. I accordingly sent Raja Roz-afzun, one of my oldest servants,
to inquire into the reasons of this boldness arid presumption. I also sent him a farman, directing him
to attend to his own affairs, and not to depart from the strict line of duty. He was to be content with
the jagirs that had been bestowed upon him from the Imperial Exchequer. I wanred him not to come
to me, but to send all the troops which had been required from him for the campaign against
Kandahar. If he acted contrary to my commands, he would afterwards have to repent.*** When
Khurram's son was ill, I made a vow that if God would spare his life, I would never shoot an animal
again with my own hand. For all my love of shooting, I kept my vow for five years to the present
time; but now that I was offended with Khurram, I resolved to go out shooting again.
On the 24th I crossed the Jhelam. On the same day Afzal Khan, diwan of Khurram arrived
with a letter, in which Khurram endeavoured to make excuses for his undutiful actions. He hoped
also that by Afzal Khan's persuasion and plausibility might obtain forgiveness; but I took no notice of
him and showed him no favour.
Letters arrived from I'tibar Khan and other of my officers whom I had left at Agra, stating that
Khurram persisted in his perverse course, and preferring the way of disobedience to the path of
duty, had taken a decided step in the road to perdition by marching upon Agra. For this reason, said
I' tibar, I have not deemed it advisable to send on the treasure, but have busied myself in making
preparation for a siege. A letter from Asaf Khan also arrived, stating that this ungrateful son had torn
away the veil of decency, and had broken into open rebellion; that he (the Khan) had received no
certain intelligence of his movements, so, not considering it expedient to move the treasure, he had
set out alone to join me.
On receiving this intelligence, I crossed the river at Sultanpur, and marched to inflict
punishment on this ill-starred son (siyahbakht). I issued an order that from this time forth he should
be called " Wretch " (be-daulat).
On the 1st Isfandarmuz, I received a letter from I'tibar Khan, informing me that the rebel had
advanced with all speed to the neighbourhood of Agra, my capital, in the hope of getting possession
of it before it could be put in a state of preparation. On reaching Fathpur, he found that his hope was
vain so he remained there. He was accompanied by Khan-Khanan (Mirza Khan) and his son; and
by many other amirs who held office in the Dakhin and in Gujarat, and had now entered upon the
path of rebellion and perfidy.** The rebels took nine lacs of rupees from the house of Lashkar Khan
and every where they seized upon whatever they found serviceable in the possession of my
adherents. Khan-Khanan, who had held the exalted dignity of being my tutor, had now turned rebel,
and in the seventieth year of his age had blackened his face with ingratitude. But he was by nature
a rebel and traitor His father, at the close of his days, had acted in the same shameful way towards
my revered father. He had but followed the course of his father, and disgraced himself in his old
age—
"The wolf's whelp will grow a wolf, E'en though reared with man himself".
After I had passed through Sirhind, troops came flocking in from all directions, and by the time
I reached Dehli, such an army had assembled, that whole country was covered with men as far as
the eye could reach. Upon being informed that the rebel had advanced from Fathpur, I marched to
Delhi.
In this war I appointed Mahabat Khan commander-in-chief of the army, and Abdu-lla-Kh in to
the command of the advanced force of chosen and experienced troops. His business was to go on a
kos in advance, to collect information, and take possession of the roads. I forgot that he was an old
companion of the rebel; but the result was that he communicated information about my army to the
rebel.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 273
Sah refused him any active support. He asked him to leave the territory of his kingdom. It is not
necessary here to recount in detail the story of Sah Jahan's further adventures in Orissa and Bengal
as they do not concern us. He was incessantly on the march being pursued by Parviz and Mahabat
Khan. They had entered into an understanding with Bijapur. Victory eluded Sah Jahan and he now
made his toilsome journey back to the Deccan. The atmosphere in the Deccan, though not friendly
to
contd.
The eighteenth year of my reign commenced on 20th Jumada-l-awwal, 1032 H. (10th March,
1623). On this day intelligence was brought that the rebel had advanced near to Mathura, and had
encamped in the paragana of Shahpur. **The next intelligence was that he had deviated from the
direct course, and had gone twenty kos to the left. Sundar Rai, who was the leader in this rebellion,
Darab son of Khan-Khanan, and many other amirs, had been sent on with the army against me. The
command was nominally held by Darab, but Sundar was the real commander, and the prop of the
revolt. They encamped near Biluchpur. I sent forward 25,00 horse under Asaf Khan, and he was
opposed by Kasim Khan and others. **The Almighty has at all times and in all places been gracious
unto me; so when 'Abdu-lla Khan went over to the enemy with 10,000 men under his command, and
a great disaster menaced my army, a bullet directed by fate killed Sundar, and his fall made the
rebels waver. Khwaja Abu-I-Hasan drove back the force opposed to him, Asaf Khan also brought up
his division opportunely, and we achieved a great victory.**
When the rebel passed near Amber, the birth-place and abode of Raja Man Singh he sent a
party of men to plunder it, and lay it waste. **I also learnt that he had sent Jagat Singh, son of Raja
Basu, to stir up disturbances in his native land in the Panjab.**
On the 25th Urdibihish , I appointed my son Shah Parwez to the command of the army
operating against the rebel. He was to have the supreme command, but Mu'tamadu-d-daula al
Kahira Mahapat Khan was charged with the general direction of the army. Khan-i' alam, Maharaja
Gaj Singh, Fazil Khan, Rashid Khan, Raja Giridhar, Raja Ram Das, and others were also sent with
him. The force consisted of 40,000 horse, with suitable artillery, and twenty lacs of rupees were
assigned to it. **On the 30th, agreeing with 19th Rajab, 1034, I encamped by the tank of Ana-sagar,
within sight of Ajmir.
When the Prince's army passed over the mountains of Chanda, and entered Malwa, Shah
Jahan came out of the fort of Mandu with 20,000 horse, 600 elephants andpowerful artillery, with
theintention of giving battle. ** Mahabat Khan opened communications with several persons, who,
through apprehension or compulsion, had joined the army of the rebel, and they, perceiving that his
case was hopeless, wrote to Mahabat, asking for assurances of safety. Shah Jahan, not daring to
risk, a general action, and thinking always of his retreat, sent his elephants over the Ner-badda. He
then sent his forces against the royal army near the village of Kaliya; but he himself, with Khankhanan
and several others, remained a kos in the rear. Barkandaz Khan, who had been in
correspondence with Mahbat, and had received his promise, when the opposing armies approached
each other, seized the opportunity of coming over to the royal army with the body of matchlockmen
that he commanded. Rustam also, one of the chief and most trusted officers of the rebel, received
assurances from Mahabat, and came over with several other officers. When Shah Jahan heard of
this, he gave up resistance, and being unable to place reliance upon any one, he determined to fly.
With his forces in disorder, he crossed the Ner-badda, and several of his followers took advantage
of the confusion to join the royal army.
Shah Jahan, having crossed the Nerbadda, kept all the boats on his side, and placed strong
guards over the fords. Leaving Bairam Beg Bakhshi with a force of his most trusty soldiers and men
of the Dakhin, and with the artillery drawn up by the river, he himself went off towards the fort of Asir
and Burhanpur. At this time his men caught a messenger whom Khan-khanan had sent to Mahabat
Khan. He sent for the Khan, and showed him the letter taken from the messenger. Khan-khanan'
endeavoured to excuse himself, but could not give a satisfactory answer. An order was accordingly
given that he and Darab and his other sons should be kept under arrest.
Rustam Khan, Muhammad Murad, and several others who had abandoned the service of the
rebel, and had paid their respects to my dutiful son, according to order were sent to my Court, and
were received by me. Rustam Khan received a mansab of 5,000, and 4,000 horse. Muhmmad
Murad a mansab of 1,000 and 500 horse, and prospects of future promotion were held out to them.
274 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
him, was not hostile either. The conclusion of a settlement by the Moghals with Bijapur had broken
the triple alliance between Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda. Malik Ambar, therefore, decided to
join hands with Golconda and invade Bijapur territory. He was encouraged in his adventure by the
dispatch of a division of the Bijapur army to Burhanpur to reinforce the Moghal troops there. Parviz
and Mahabat Khan were away in the pursuit of Sah Jahan. Malik Ambar marched a force of
contd
When the rebel Shah Jahan reached Asir, he placed Khan-khanan, Darab, and all his other
children in confinementin the upper part of the fortress. He remained there three or four days,
attending to the victualling and preparation of the fortress, which he placed under the command of
Gopal Das, a Rajput.* * When he departed, he left some of his women and superfluous things there
in charge of Gopal; but he took with him his three wives, his children and such maids as were
necessary. His first intention was to leave Khan-khanan and his children prisoners there; but he
changed his mind, and carried them with him to Burhanpur. * * Mahabat Khan was very desirous to
separate Khan-khanan from the rebel, and thus to promote a peace. Shah Jahan also, in the strait
he then was, took Khan-khanan out of confinement, and bound him by oath upon the Kuran to be
faithful. To give force to the oath and agreement, he took him into his female apartments, and giving
him the previleges of near relation, presented to him his wives and children and with tears and great
earnestness, said "In case of evil falling upon me, I trust myself and the honour of my family to you;
somthing must be done, that I may proceed no further in this wretched and miserable course."
Khan-khanan separated from him, intent upon peace, and proceeded towards the Imperial
army. It was arranged that he should stay on that side of the river to carry on the negotiations for
peace. But before he reached the bank of the river, some dashing young men of the royal army one
night found a place which the rebels had left unguarded, and passed over the river. This caused
some dismay, but Bairam Beg gallantly resolved to contest the passage. While he was getting his
forces together some more men passed over, and the same night the rebels retreated. Khankhanan
was left in a difficult position, he did not know whether to advance or retreat. But the men of
my son's army continually pressed forward, and Khan-khanan was relieved from the trammels of
rebellion, and was presented by Mahabat Khan to my son.
Shah Jahan, when he heard of the defection of Khan-khanan, the passage of the river by the
Imperial troops, and the retreat of Bairam Beg, fell back. Notwithstanding heavy rain and
inundations, he crossed the river Mati in a wretched state and went off towards the Dakhin. In the
confusion many officers, who willingly or unwillingly had joined him, now separated from him.
On the 9th Aban Khawas Khan brought a despatch from Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan,
informing me that they had reached Burhanpur, but that many men had fallen in the rear in
consequence of the violence of the rain. But acting in obedience to orders, they had taken no rest,
and had pressed pn in pursuit of the rebel across the river (Tapti). The fugitives, on hearing of their
arrival, continued their flight in disorder, and lost many of their animals through the heavy rain and
the mud and mire. The royal forces then continued the pursuit to the pargana of Ankot, forty kos
from Burhanpur. * * The rebel then went on to the territories of Kutbu-l Mulk. When my son Parwez
found that the rebel had quitted my dominions, he and Mahabat and allthe amirs returned to
Burhanpur on the 1st Aban.
Intelligence arrived that Shah Jahan, with Darab and other fugitives, had passed out of the
territory of Kutbu-l Mulk, and was making for Orissa and Bengal. On the way they had to endure
great hardships, and many of the rebel's companions abandoned him when they found opportunity.
* * After performing a long march Shah Jahan arrived at Machhli (Masulipatam), which belonged to
Kutbu-I-Mulk. When his arrival there became known, Kutbu-l Mulk sent one of his people to the
fugitive, and gave him every kind of relief and assistance in money and provisions. He also directed
his margrave to convoy the fugitive safely out of his dominions, and he further appointed graindealers
and Zamindars to attend his camp, and supply it with corn and other necessaries.
The Nau-roz of my nineteenth year corresponded with 29th Jumada-l awal, 1033 (10th March
1624). Intelligence next came that the rebel had reached the confines of Orissa. Upon which I
issued a farman to Prince Parwez, Mahabat, Khan, and the other nobles who hadbeen sent to
support them, with orders to provide as far as possible, for the safety of that province, and to march
towards Allahabad and Bihar. * * Upon the arrival of these orders, the Prince prepared to obey
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 275
nearly fifty thousand men and attacked Bijapur. He met with little opposition. He defeated a
contingent sent against him and invested Bijapur itself. On receipt of the news of attack on Bijapur,
the Bijapur contingent marched back to its territory. It was reinforced by a division of the Moghal
army. Malik Ambar was forced to raise the siege. He then retired to his own territory. The military
tactics adopted by Malik Ambar display his qualities as an excellent commander. Under his
unfettered
contd.
and to march towards Allahabad, notwithstanding the violence of the rains. On the 6th Farwardin, he
marched with the Imperial army from Burhanpur to Lal Bagh: but Mahabat Khan remained at
Burhanpur, awaiting the arrival of Mulla Muhammad Lari.
A despatch arrived from Ibrahim Beg Khan, with the information that Shah Jahan had entered
the province of Orissa. The explanation of this was, that between Orissa and the Dakhin there is a
difficult pass, on one side of which are mountains, on the other a marsh (?) and a river. In this place
the ruler of Golkonda had built a fort, and had armed it with guns and muskets. It was impossible to
pass this place without the consent of Kutbu-l Mulk but the escort which he had sent to conduct
Shah Jahan had enabled the rebel to pass this fortress and to enter Orissa. ** On hearing of the
rebel's approach, Salih, brother of the late Asaf Khan, who held the jaqir of Bardwan, put the fort in
a state of defence. * * Ibrahim Khan being frightened, took refuge in Akbar-nagar, where he
occupied himself in gathering forces and preparing for resistance. Wakiat-i-Jahangiri in Elliot and
Dowson, Vol. VI, pp. 383—91.
Further details of Shah Jahan's rebellion are as follows:
The nineteenth year of the reign of Jahangir began. The intelligence of the march of Shah
Jahan's army towards Orrisa and Bengal was confirmed. An order was sent to Prince Parwez and
Mahabat Khan, to make provision for the security of the Dakhin, and then to march towards
Allahabad and Bihar; so that if the governor of Bengal was unable to prevent the advance of the
rebel Shah Jahan, the Prince might be there to oppose him with the Imperial army. The Emperor
also sent Khan Jahan to the capital, to watch the turn of affairs, and to take such steps as might
seem necessary.
Mahabat Khan sent an ambassador from Burhanpur to 'Adil Khan, * *who wrote in reply that
he would meet Mahabat Khan at Dewal-ganw, and would send his son to enter the Imperial service.
The ambassador also wrote to say that 'Adil Khan was loyal, and had determined to send his
minister, Mulla Muhammad Lari, to join Mahabat with 5,000 horse. In compliance with repeated
farmans, the Prince marched for Bengal, notwithstanding the severity of the rains and the difficulties
arising from the mud and mire of Malwa. Mahabat Khan, having sent forward the Prince, remained
at Burhanpur, awaiting the arrival of Mulla Muhammad Lari.
Ahmad Beg Khan, nephew of Ibrahim Khan, and governor of Orissa, had gone forth against
the Zamindars of Garha. When he heard of Shah Jahan's arrival he retreated in alarm to Pipali, the
residence of the governor, and there collecting his property, he carried it with him to Katak
(Cuttack), which is twelve kos from Pipali, in the direction of Bengal. But not feeling himself able to
make a stand even there he went off to Bardwan, and carried the news to Salih, nephew of Jafar
Beg * *Salih received a letter from Abdu-lla Khan, which was written for the purpose of winning him
over, but Salih rejected the proposition, and put Bardwan in a state of defence.
Ibrahim Khan, when he received the threatening intelligence, although he had forces
scattered at different posts, fled to Akbar-nagar, and there collected men and munitions for the
conflict. He now received a letter from Shah Jahan {proposing an arrangement); but he wrote in
reply that * * he would fight for his master to the death. When the Prince's army arrived at Bardwan,
the short-sighted Salih put forth the foot of ignorance and folly, and made resistance. 'Abdu-lla Khan
did not give him much grace, but invested the fort, and soon brought it to extremity. When Salih
perceived that there was no hope of relief. he went out to see the Khan, who led him with a sash
round his neck to the Prince. This obstacle being removed, the Prince marched on to Akbar-nagar.
It was Ibrahim Khan's first intention to hold Akbar-nagar, but the fort was large, and his force was
insufficient for its defence; so he retired to the tomb of his son, which was smaller and more secure.
Here he was joined by forces from different stations.
Shah Jahan's army having arrived at Akbar-nagar, invested the tomb, and death began to be
busy both within and without. Ahmad Beg Khan came, and found an entrance into the besieged
place, which greatly inspirited the garrison. The wives and families of many of the besieged were on
the other side of the river; so
276 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
leadership the military situation in the Deccan would have taken an entirely different turn. The
Deccan would have been in a position to resist the Moghals, through the formation of an united front
against them. Malik Ambar now opened negotiations with the Moghal commander who had
accompanied the Bijapur troops to withdraw from the alliance with Bijapur. He informed him that the
dispute between the two kingdoms was an internal matter connected with the Deccan politics and
that
contd.
'Abdu-lla Khan and Darya Khan Afghan crossed over, to commence operations on that side. This
movement alarmed Ibrahim Khan, who hastened thither, taking with him Ahmad Khan Beg, leaving
others in charge of his fortified post. He sent over before him some war-boats, called in Hindi
niwara, to prevent the passage of the enemy. But before the boats arrived, Darya Khan had crossed
over. On hearing this, Ibrahim Khan sent Ahmad Beg over the river against Darya Khan; but when
he landed, a fight began on the bank of the river, and he lost many of his men; so he turned back
and rejoined Ibrahim Khan, carrying with him the news of his defeat. Ibrahim sent to the fortress for
a reinforcement, and a party of well-mounted horsemen came to his aid. On hearing of this, Darya
Khan retreated some kos, and 'Abdu-lla Khan, under the guidance of the landholders, crossed the
river some kos higher up and joined him. The united forces took up a position, with the river on one
flank and a thick jungle on the other. Ibrahim Khan crossed over and gave battle. * * The advanced
force was defeated, * * disorder arose, and many fled. Ibrahim Khan, with a small party of followers,
disdained to escape and although some of his men seized his bridle, and tried to drag him out of the
fight he exclaimed, " My life does not need such a course; what can I do better than die on the field
of battle? " He had scarcely uttered the words, when the enemy gathered round and despatched
him.
The news of his fall discouraged the garrison, and the besiegers exploded a mine under the
fortress. The storming party rushed in, and the place was carried. * * Some of the garrison cast
themselves into the river, and others, who were fettered by their families being in the hands of the
enemy, submitted to the victor. The children and the property of Ibrahim Khan were in Dacca, so the
Prince's army-proceeded thither by the river. Ahmad Beg, Ibrahim's nephew, arrived before them;
but submission was the only course open to him, and he obtained grace through one of the Prince's
attendants. The victors took possession of the property, nearly forty lacs of rupees in cash, besides
various effects, and elephants.
Darab Khan had hitherto been kept in confinement, but he was now released and after being
bound by an oath, was made governor of Bengal; but his wife, a daughter, a son, and a son of Shah
Nawaz Khan, were kept (as hostages). Raja Bhim, son of Rana Karan, who had never left the
Prince in any of his troubles, was sent forward in command of the advanced force towards Patna.
The province of Patna was in the jagir of Prince Parwez, and it had been left in charge of Mukhlis
Khan, the Prince's diwan, and of Iftikhar Khan and Sher Khan Afghan, his faujdars. But before even
Raja Bhim arrived, they were frightened; and giving up all hope of support, they did not even set the
fort of Patna in order, and wait a few days for the approach of the army; they abandoned the place,
and made off to Allahabad setting their own safety above the loss of such a country. So Raja Bhim
entered the fort of Patna, and took possession of the province of Bihar without resistance.
A few days afterwards Prince Shah Jahan arrived there, and the jagirdars of the province
waited upon him, and made their submission. Saiyid Mubarak made over to him the fort of Rohtas.
The zamindar of Ujain also came in and was received. Before advancing himself, Shah Jahan sent
on 'Abdulla Khan with an army towards Allahabad, and Darya Khan Afghan with another force
towards Oudh. A few days after, the Prince himself marched, leaving Bairam Beg in charge of Bihar.
Before 'Abdulla Khan passed over the ford of Jausa, Jahangir Kuli Khan, son of 'Azam Khan Mirza
Koka, who held the government of Jaunpur, left that place and went to Mirza Rustam at Allahabad.
'Abdu-lla pursued him hotly, and came up to the town of Jhaunsi on the river Ganges, opposite
Allahabad. Shah Jahan then advanced to Jaunpur. The war boats (niwara) had been brought up
from Bengal, and 'Abdulla now employed them in effecting a passage of the river under a fire of
guns and muskets and pitched his camp in Allahabad.
Dakhin
We must now return to the affairs of the Dakhin. 'Ambar Habshi had sent his envoy' Ali Sher
to Mahabat Khan, to express his obedience and devotion, in the hope that the management of the
Dakhin would be entrusted to him. He was at
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 277
the Moghals should stay away from it. However, Malik Ambar's attempts to dissuade the Moghals
failed. Malik Ambar then made a surprise move and made a sudden attack on the combined army of
the Moghals and Bijapuris in 1624. In the battle of Bhatvadi he defeated the combined forces and
took many imperial officers as prisoners of war. Marching further, he laid siege to Ahmadnagar.
Thinking that the siege would
contd.
war with 'Adil Khan, and he hoped to obtain Imperial assistance, and so triumph over his enemy. On
the other hand, 'A'dil Khan in the same way hoped to get charge of the province, and so to repel the
assaults of 'Ambar. In the end 'A'dil Khan prevailed. Mahabat Khan rejected the proposals of
'A'mbar, and decided in favour of 'A'dil Khan. 'Ambar was on the road, and Mulla Muhammad, the
envoy of 'A'dil Khan, was in dread of him; so Mahabat Khan sent a detachment from the Imperial
army to the Balaghat, to escort him to Burhanpur. When 'Ambar was informed of this, he turned
back, vexed and disappointed, and proceeded with Nizamu-l Mulk from Khirki to Kandahar, on the
borders of Golkonda. He sent his children with his wives and attendants to the fortress of
Daulatabad and left Khirki empty. He gave out that he was going to the frontier of Kutbu-l Mulk, in
order to receive his fixed payment (zar-i mukarrari).
When Mulla Muhammad Lari approached Burhanpur, Mahabat Khan went forth as far as
Shahpur to meet him, and received him with great attention. Then they proceeded to wait upon
Prince Parwez. Mahabat Khan left Sarbuland Rai to support him; but he took with him the son of
Jadu Rai and the brother of Uda Ram by way of precaution. When Mulla Muhammad Lari had his
interview with the Prince, it was arranged that he should go to Burhanpur with his 5,000 horse, to
assist Sarbuland Rai, and that his son Aminu-d din, with another 5,000 horse, should accompany
the Prince. * *
A despatch arrived from Fazil Khan, the bakhshi of the army of the Dakhin, stating that Mulla
Muhammad Lari had gone to Burhanpur, and the Imperial commanders felt that the Dakhin was
secure. Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan had therefore marched towards Bihar and Bengal. The
commanders having considered the rebellious actions of Khan-khanan, and the fact of his son
Darab being in the service of Shah Jahan, resolved that he should be kept under arrest. His tent
was to be pitched near that of the Prince, and his daughter Jana Begam, who had been married to
Prince Daniyal, and was an intelligent pupil of her father, was ordered to be detained in the same
place with him and constant guard was to be kept round their tent by trusty men. * *
Defeat of Shah Jahan.—On the 1st of Shahryur, while the Emperor was at Virnag in Kashmir,
a despatch arrived from Mahabat Khan, reporting that Shah Jahan's generals held all the passages
of the Ganges, and had seized upon all the boats. The Imperial army had consequently been
delayed some days in crossing the river; but they had been assisted by the Zamindars, thirty boats
had been procured, and the army had crossed forty kos above the fords. * * The next intelligence
was that a party of Zamindars in the service of Shah Jahan had carried off all the war-boats, with
their guns and equipment, and had fled to Bengal. Shah Jahan was in the jungle of Kampat, where
he had entrenched himself, and had mounted cannons and guns upon his earthworks. But the
supply of provisions was small, and scarcity had begun to prevail.
A courier now arrived by dak chauki from Prince Parwez, with a despatch announcing that he
had gained victory over Shah Jahan, who had gone off towards Patna and Bihar. The particulars of
the engagment are as follows. The two armies were in sight of each other, and forming their array
for several days. The royal army amounted to 40,000 men, that of Shah Jahan did not exceed
10,000 horse, including old and new troops; and some of the most devoted were averse to fighting.
Raja Bhim, the son of the Rana, contrary to the opinions of all, was eager for war. He went so far as
to say that if they did not fight, they must not reckon upon his support, for such marching and
moving about was against the rules of the Rajputs. His voice prevailed, and the ranks were formed
for battle. The guns were taken out of the redoubts, and the battle began. The royal forces
encompassed the field on three sides like a bow, and arrows and bullets fell like hail. Raja Bhim,
unheeding the numbers of foes, charged bravely with his Rajputs * *; but a chosen force which
attended Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan fell upon him and cut him down; still he fought fiercly as
long as he could draw breath. * * The gunners abandoned their guns and fled, and the guns fell into
the hands of the royal forces. * * An arrow wounded the horse of Shah Jahan, and 'Abdu-lla, who
was near him
278 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
be a protracted one, he left a contingent to carry on the siege and marched towards Solapur. He
attacked and took the town. In this sudden dash Malik Ambar practically brought the whole of
Balaghat under his occupation.
contd.
seized his bridle, and led him out of the fight, when he exchanged his own for the Prince's wounded
horse. Shah Jahan went to the fort of Rohtas, and there stayed his flight.
Dakhin
Advices now arrived from the Dakhin. Malik Ambar proceeded to the frontiers of Kutbu-l Mulk,
to recieve the annual payment for the army, which was now two years in arrear. After receiving it,
and making himself secure on that side by a treaty and oath, he proceeded towards Bidar. There he
found the forces of 'Adil Khan, who were in charge of that country, unprepared, so he attacked them
unawares, and plundered the city of Bidar. From thence he marched against Bijapur. 'Adil Khan had
sent his best troops and officers along with Mulla Muhammad Lari to Burhanpur, and not deeming
himself strong enough to resist the assailant, he shut himself up in the fortress of Bijapur, and doing
all he could to secure the place, he sent a messenger to recall Muhammad Lari and his forces from
Burhanpur. * * When Mahabat Khan and Prince Parwez marched for Allahabad, Sarbuland Rai was
left in charge of Burhanpur, and was ordered to administer the affairs of the Dakhin in concert with
Mulla Muhammad Lari. The Mulla now became very pressing, and gave three lacs of hurts, nearly
equal to twelve lacs of rupees, for the payment of the troops. When the Mulla's letters of recall
reached Mahabat Khan, to acquiesced and directed the officials in the Dakhin to hasten with the
Mulla to support ' Adil Khan. Sarbuland Rai of necessity remained at Burhanpur with a few men; but
sent Lashkar Khan and * * * all the amirs of the Dakhin along with Muhammad Lari, to oppose Malik
'Ambar. When the Malik received information of this, he wrote to the Imperial officers, asserting his
loyalty to the Imperial throne and asking that Nizamu-l-Mulk and 'Adil Khan might be allowed to
settle their own standing differences without interference. No attention was paid to this emonstrance
by the amirs, who pressed steadily on. He renewed his appeal more earnestly than before;
but they displayed their forces, and he was compelled to depart from Bijapur, and go to his own
territories. Upon the approach of the Imperial forces, 'Ambar endeavoured to conciliate and
procrastinate and spared no effort to avoid war. But Mulla Muhammad Lari and the Imperial amirs
followed him, and allowed him no rest. The more submissive and importunate he became, the more
Muhammad Lari tried to humble him, and the harder he pressed him.
He was reduced to extremity, and compelled to take some decided course. So one day, when
the Imperial forces were heedless, and were impressed with the notion that he would not fight,
suddenly he appeared on the edge of their camp, five kos from Ahmadnagar. The battle began with
the forces of 'Adil Khan, and, by the will of Fate, Muhammad Lari, who commanded them, was
killed. His fall threw the Bijapur forces into confusion. Jadu Rai and Uda Ram fled without striking a
blow, and a perfect rout followed. Ikhlas Khan arid twenty-five other officers of 'Adil Khan, who were
the props of his power, were taken prisoners. Of these Farhad Khan, who had sought the death of
Malik 'Ambar, was executed; the others were imprisoned. Lashkar Khan and some other chiefs of
the Imperial army were also made prisoners. Khanjar Khan by great exertion escaped to
Ahmadnagar, and prepared the fortress for a siege. Jansipar Khan went to Bir, which was in his
tuyul (jagir), and set the fort in order. Of the rest who escaped from the field of carnage, some fled to
Ahmadnagar, and some to Burhanpur.
Malik 'Ambar, successful beyond his hopes, sent his prisoners to the fortress of Daulatabad,
and marched to lay siege to Ahmadnagar. But although he brought, up his guns and pressed the
siege, he met with no success. He therefore left a part of his army to maintain the investment, whilst
he marched against Bijapur. 'Adil Khan again took refuge in the fortress, and Malik Ambar occupied
all his territories as far as the frontiers of the Imperial dominions in the Balaghat. He collected an
excellent arrriy and laid siege to Sholapur, which had long been a subject of contention between
Nizamu-l Mulk and 'Adil Khan. He sent a force against Burhanpur, and having brought up guns from
Daulatabad, he took Sholapur by storm.
The intelligence of these reverses greatly troubled the Emperor. By advice of Mahabat Khan,
he summoned Khana-zad Khan, son of Mahabat, from Kabul, and sent him with his army to join his
father. * * A despatch arrived from Mahabat Khan, informing the Emperor that Shah Jahan had
quitted Patna and Bihar, and had gone to Bengal. Prince Parwez, with the Imperial army, was in
Bihar awaiting instructions as to his future proceedings. It has already been related how Shah Jahan
had made Darab, son of Khan-khanan, governor of Bengal, and having
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 279
He felt his position to be so strong that he offered the hand of friendship to Sah Jahan and
commandeered a force under him to attack Burhanpur. Abdullah Khan served as Sah Jahan's
second-in-command. The Moghal garrison of Burhanpur defended stubbornly and held out until
Parviz and Mahabat Khan hurried from the north. Sah Jahan was now forced to raise the siege.
Weary as he had grown of the prolonged war, he retired to Berar. He then decided to submit to his
father. The two forts of Rohtas and Asir were taken away from him and he was appointed to the
charge of Balaghat1. The subsequent four
contd.
first bound him by an oath, had carried off his wife and son and nephew as hostages. After being
defeated, Shah Jahan placed the wife in the fort of Rohtas, and wrote to Darab, ordering him to
come in person to the fort. Darab improperly and perversely took another view of the matter, and
wrote to say that he was unable to come, because the Zamindars had banded together and held
him in blockade.
When Shah Jahan found that he must not expect the arrival of Darab, and that he had not
forces sufficient to carry on the war, he placed Darab's son in charge of 'Abdu-lla Khan, and went to
Akbar-nagar, where he took all the munitions and baggage which had been left there, and returned
to the Dakhin by the way in which he had come. Darab Khan had disgraced himself to all eternity by
his detestable conduct, so 'Abdu-lla Khan relieved his own mind by putting Darab's son to death;
and this he did, although Shah Jahan had sent to forbid him.
Prince Parwez, having given Bihar in jagir to Mahabat Khan and his son, started on his return.
He sent notices to the Zamindars of Bengal, who held Darab in confinement, warning them not to
hurt him, but to send him to the army. He soon arrived, and intelligence of his arrival having been
communicated to the Emperor, he issued his mandate to Mahabat Khan, that there was no use in
keeping such a worthless fellow alive, and therefore he was to be beheaded, and his head sent to
Court. So Mahabat Khan had him decapitated, and sent his head to the Emperor. **Strict orders
were sent to the Dakhin, forbidding warlike operations until the arrival of reinforcements, and
commanding the troops to keep in the fortified places, and make them secure. Ikbal-Nama-i
Jahangiri in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VI, pp. 407-17.
1 Moghal activities and accounts of Shah Jahan's rebellion are given in the following
paragraphs:—
(The New Year began on a day corresponding with 29th Jummad-alawwal, 1033 H. (10th
March 1624 A.D.).
When Sultan Parwez and Mahabat Khan arrived near Allahabad, 'Abdu-lla Khan raised the
siege and returned to Jhaunsi. Darya Khan held the bank of the river in force and had carried all the
boats over to his own side; the passage of the Imperial army was thus delayed for some days. The
Prince and Mahabat Khan encamped on the other side of the river. Darya Khan held the fords, but
the zamindars of the neighbourhood showed their loyalty, and collected thirty boats from various
parts and guided the royal forces over at a spot some kos higher up. Darya Khan held his position to
contest the passage until he heard that the royal army had crossed. He then knew that it was no
longer tenable, and fell back to Jaunpur. 'Abdu-lla Khan and Raja Bhim proceeded to Jaunpur, and
counselled a movement to Benares; so Shah Jahan sent his females and attendants to Rohtas, and
himself proceeded to Benares. He was joined by 'Abdu-lla Khan, Raja Bhim, and Darya Khan, and
having arrived at Benares, passed over the Ganges, and halted on the river Tunus. Prince Parwez
and Mahabat Khan, having arrived at Damdama, they left Aka Muhammad Zaman Teherani there,
while they passed over the Ganges with the intention of crossing over the Tunus. Shah Jahan,
leaving Khan-dauranin charge of his position, crossed the Ganges, and confronted Muhammad
Zaman, who fell back to Jhaunsi. Khan-dauran advanced in full confidence, arid Muhammad Zaman
hastened to meet him. A sharp action followed. Khan-dauran was defeated, and his soldiers
abandoned him. Being left alone, he struggled and fought desperately in every direction until he was
killed. His head was sent to Prince Parwez. Rustam Khan, an old servant of Shah Jahan's now left
him and joined Prince Parwez. He said it was a good thing that the traitor (Khan-dauran) had been
killed. Jahangir Kuli, son of Khan-i-azam, who was present, said "No one can call him rebel or
traitor, a more devoted man cannot exist, for he served his master to the death and what more could
he do? Even now his head is raised above all."
Shah Jahan took his departure from Bengal, and proceeded towards the Dakhin. Mukhtis
Khan then went on the wings of haste to Prince Parwez, to send him and his amirs on to the Dakhin.
**A despatch arrived from Asad Khan, the Bakhshi of
280 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
years witnessed the court intrigues at their worst in the Moghal court. Even the life of the emperor
was in jeopardy. In 1626, Jahangir was in Kabul when the news of the death of Malik
contd.
the Dakhin, written at Burhanpur, to the effect that Ya'kub Khan Habshi, with 10,000 horse, had
arrived at Malkapur, ten kos from the city, and that Sarbuland Rai had gone out of the city with the
intention of attacking him. Upon this, strict injunctions were sent forbidding him to fight until
reinforcement arrived.
At the beginning of 1034 A.H. Shah Jahan arrived in the Dakhin. Malik 'Ambar tendered him
assistance, and sent a force under the command of Yakub Khan Habshi to Burhanpur to plunder.
He communicated this movement to Shah Jahan who proceeded in that direction, and pitched his
camp at Dewal-ganw. The Prince then sent 'Abdu-lla Khan to join Ya'kub Khan, and lay siege to
Burhanpur. He himself followed, and pitched his tentin the Lal Bagh, in the outskirts of the city. Rao
Ratan, and other Imperial officers who were in the place, did their best to put it in state of defence,
and took every precaution to secure it. Shah Jahan ordered 'Abdulla to assail the town on one side,
and Shah Kuli Khan on the other. The besieged, by dint of numbers and by hard fighting, held
'Abdu-lla in check; but Shah Kuli's division breached the walls, and made their way inside.
Sarbuland Rai then left a force to keep 'Abdu-lla Khan in check, and hastened to attack Shah
Kuli. Several of Shah Kuli Khan's men were scattered in the streets and bazars, but he, with the few
around him, stood fast in the esplanade in front of the citadel. Several of them fell. He then entered
the citadel, and closed the gates. Sarbuland Rai surrounded it and Shah Kuli, being hard pressed,
capitulated.
Shah Jahan then ordered a second attack to be made; but although great gallantry was
exhibited, the assault failed, and several officers of distinction fell. He mounted his horse, and
ordered a third assault. Great courage was again displayed and many officers and men fell, but
without success. Saiyid Ja'far received a slight wound in the neck from a bullet, but he was so
frightened that he went away. His departure affected all the Dakhinis, who broke up and went away,
followed by many men who were disheartened by failure.
Intelligence now arrived, that Prince Parwez and Mahabat Khan, with the Imperial army, had
reached the Nerbadda on their return, so Shah Jahan retired to the Bala-ghat. 'Abdu-lla Khan
separated from him, and occupied the village (mauza') of Indore.**
When the raising of the siege of Burhanpur was reported to the Emperor, he bestowed great
favours on Sarbuland Rai. He gave him a mansab of 5.000 and the title of Ram Raj, than which
there is no higher title in the Dakhin. When the siege was raised, Shah Jahan bent his course to the
Dakhin, but he was seized with illness on the way. The error of his conduct now became apparent to
him, and he felt that he must beg forgiveness of his father for his offences. So with this proper
feeling he wrote a letter to his father, expressing his sorrow and repentance, and begging pardon for
all faults past and present. His Majesty wrote an answer with his own hand to the effect that if he
would send his sons Dara Shukoh and Aurangzeb to Court, and would surrender Rohtas and the
fortress of Asir, which were held by his adherents, full forgiveness should be given him, and the
country of the Balaghat should be conferred upon him. Upon reading this, Shah Jahan deemed it his
duty to conform to his father, with offerings of jewels, chased arms, elephants, etc., to the value of
ten lacs of rupees. He wrote to Muzaffar Khan, directing him to surrender Rohtas to the person
appointed by the Emperor, and then to come with Sultan Murad Bakshi. He also wrote to Hayat
Khan directions for surrendering Asir to the Imperial officers. Shah Jahan then proceeded to
Nasik.**
It was now reported to the Emperor that Mahabat Khan had married his daughter to Khwaja
Barkhurdar, the eldest son of Nakshabandi. As this marriage had been contracted without the royal
consent, the Emperor was greatly offended; so he sent for the young man, and asked him why he
had, contrary to rule, married the daughter of so great a noble. He was unable to give a satisfactory
answer, so he was ordered to be beaten, and sent to prison.**
The Intelligence of Mahabat Khan's daring act having reached Shah Jahan, he was greatly
incensed, and notwithstanding his bodily weakness and want of warlike munitions, he resolved to go
to the assistance of his father, and inflict punishment for this presumntuous deed. On the 23rd
Ramazan, 1035 A. H. (7th June, 1626 A. D.), he left Nasik with 1,000 horse, hoping to gather forces
as he proceeded. On reaching Ajmir, Raja Kishan Singh, son of Raja Bhim, who accompanied him,
died and 500 horsemen of the Raja's broke up and went away, leaving only 500 men in the suite of
Shah Jahan, and these were in great distress. Unable to carry out his
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 281
Ambar reached him1. Parviz had also died in October 1626 of excess of wine. Khan Jahan assumed
full command of the affairs of the Deccan. The death of Malik Ambar in 1626 had created a void in
the situation of the Deccan. On the death of Malik Ambar his son Fath Khan succeeded him. He
went to Jalna and offered his submission to the Moghal governor Khan Jahan. But this show of
friendship between the two was shortlived. For, shortly afterwards, Fath Khan invaded Berar. Khan
Jahan was sent to repulse the aggressor. Murtaza Nizam Sah now appointed Hamid Khan as his
minister2. Hamid Khan was an African officer. He served his master well. When the imperial army
marched against him he visited Khan Jahan and heavily bribed him. He came to an understanding
with him according to which orders were issued to the officers commanding various parts in
Balaghat to vacate their charges. Most of the officers obeyed the orders and withdrew to Burhanpur.
The garrison at Ahmadnagar, however, refused to comply with the plea of the absence of specific
imperial orders to that effect.
Sah Jahan was still in the Deccan. When he heard of the seizure of Jahangir by Mahabat
Khan he decided to go north to the aid of his father and sounded Khan Jahan on the move. Khan
Jahan declined to support him. Sah Jahan, therefore, left Deccan for the north towards Sind. The
governor of Sind prepared to resist him and Sah Jahan, in the absence of reinforcement retraced
his steps. He arrived at Nasik through Gujarat when he received news of the setback suffered by
Mahabat Khan and the release of the emperor from his control. Now Mahabat Khan offered his
services to Sah Jahan and joined him at Junnar with a force of 2,000. But, in the absence of
contd.
original intention, he resolved to do the best he could under the circumstances, and to go to Thatta,
and remain for a while in that obscure place. So he proceeded from Ajmir to Nagor, and from thence
through Joudhpur and Jesalmir. Tatimma-i Wakiat.-i Jahangiri in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VI, pp.
393—97.
1 Ambar, whether as a commander or a strategist, was without an equal in the military art. He
kept the rabble of that country (the Deccan) in perfect order and to the end of his days lived in
honour. There is no record elsewhere in history of an African Slaves' attaining to such a position as
was held by him.
2 Hamid Khan obtained influence over Murtaza Nizam Shah through his wife. This woman of
ability and unbounded energy secured access to the harem of Murtaza Nizam Shah and pampered
to his depraved passions. The death of Malik Ambar now provided a welcome opportunity to Ibrahim
Adil Shah to avenge the defeats suffered by him at the hands of Malik Ambar. He, therefore,
invaded the territories of Ahmadnagar. The Bijapur armies approached Daulatabad when the wife of
Hamid Khan obtained command of the Ahmadnagar army. She encouraged the officers and men
under her command by cajoling them and distributing largesses among them. The impact of this
was so tremendous that the Bijapuris were defeated and all their elephants and artillery fell into the
hands of the Ahmadnagar army. Ibrahim Adil Shah II died in September 1627, and was succeeded
by his son Muhammad Adil Shah. Early in his reign Hamid Khan invaded the Bijapur territory but
was defeated near Bijapur and forced to retreat to Daulatabad. Muhammad Adil Shah had come to
the throne with the help of a clique headed by Khawas Khan who blinded Darvesh, the elder son of
Ibrahim Adil Shah. Shah Jahan had recognised the succession but not Murtaza Nizam Shah. The
latter, to support the claims of Darvesh, invaded Bijapur. The invasion of Bijapur was followed by the
descent of the emperor into the Deccan to suppress Khan Jahan's rebellion and if possible to crush
Ahmadnagar.
282 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
substantial backing, they could do nothing. However, Khan Jahan deliberately refused to take any
action against them and left both Sah Jahan and Mahabat unmolested.
SHAH JAHAN.
Jahangir died on 7th November 1627.
Sah Jahan succeeded to the throne on the death of Jahangir. All possible claimants to the
throne were removed by Asaf Khan under the orders of Sah Jahan. The Moghal governor of the
Deccan, Khan Jahan, however, had marched northwards believing that either Sahriyar or Davar
Baks (a son of Khusrav) would succeed to the throne. He approached Mandu where many of his
followers deserted him. Khan Jahan then sent his submission to Sah Jahan. It was accepted and
Khan Jahan was confirmed in the governorship of the Deccan. He then retired to Burhanpur, the
Moghal headquarters, in March 1628. With his position thus consolidated, Sah Jahan now turned
his attention to the Deccan. He ordered Khan Jahan to recover Balaghat which the latter had
surrendered to Hamid Khan after the death of Malik Ambar. Khan Jahan proved to be an
incompetent general. He failed to carry out the orders. Sah Jahan, therefore, appointed him to
Malva and put Mahabat Khan in charge of the Deccan provinces. Mahabat Khan did not assume the
charge of his new appointment. In his absence his son Khan Zamam acted as his deputy.
Rebellion of Khan Jahan.
It was now the turn of Khan Jahan to rebel. As a matter of fact Sah Jahan had completely
forgiven him. But his over-anxiety and consciousness of his own treachery made him suspicious
and leaving Agra in October 1629 he left for the south. He was closely pursued, but, evading the
pursuers, he reached Daulatabad safely. He was well received, by Murtaza Nizam Sah. He was put
in charge of the province of Bid. His associates were assigned tracts formerly in the Ahmadnagar
kingdom but now in the possession of the Moghals. Orders were issued to them to conquer the
territory from the Moghal officers.
Sah Jahan now perceived the dangerous potentialities of the situation. He decided to march
in person to suppress Khan Jahan's rebellion. He arrived in the Deccan in February 1630. Balaghat
was invaded by the Moghals in 1630 but the campaign did not succeed and the imperial forces did
not make much headway against Khan Jahan. As the rainy season was approaching, Sah Jahan
decided to halt the campaign to regroup his forces. He decided upon a concerted attack after the
rains were over. Sah Jahan carefully planned his campaign. He had to keep the supply route from
Gujarat open and at the same time keep pressure upon Ahmadnagar from its north-western
frontiers. He, therefore, sent a force under the command of Khvaja Abul Hasan to Dhulia to serve
this double purpose. He then decided to launch an attack upon Daulatabad as the second and the
principal phase of his campaign. With this view he stationed the main bulk of his army at Deulganv
in southern Berar. He
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 283
had also to counter the possibility of the kingdoms of Ahmad-nagar, Bijapur and Golconda forming a
triple alliance for attacking the Moghals in unison. To counter such a move he sent a contingent of
his army to Telangana. To Sah Jahan, one of the heartening features of this campaign was the
reacceptance of service under the Moghals by the Jadhav family. The death of Jadhav Rav, one of
the principal Ahmadnagar officers engineered by Murtaza Nizam Sah in 1629, had estranged the
relations between him and the relations of Jadhav Rav. They now joined the Moghals1.
1 The details of the murder of Jadhav Rao and the campaign against Nizam Shah and Khan
Jahan are as under:—
Murder of Jadu Ral.
Jadu Rai, with his sons, grandsons, and other relations held altogether from the Imperial
Government Mansabs amounting to 24,000 (personal), and 15,000 horse. He also had sundry jagirs
in the Dakhin as tankhwah, so that he lived in wealth and comfort. But he was fickle and unfaithful,
and went with his sons and relations to join the Nizam. But the Nizam well knew his perfidy, and
resolved to put him in confinement. For this purpose the Nizam arranged with some of his servants
to seize Jadu Rai, and he summoned him to his presence. Accordingly Jadu attended the Court with
his family. The armed men who were in concealment suddenly attacked them, and killed him. his
two sons Ujla and Raghu, and his grandson Baswant. His brother Jagdeo Rai, with Bahadur-ji his
son, his wife and the others who escaped, fled from Daulatabad to Sindghar, near Jalnapur, in their
native country.
Campaign against Nizam Shah and Khan-Jahan.
7th Kabi'u-l awwal. When the rains were over, A'zam Khan and the great nobles who were
with him left Dewal-ganw, where they had rested during the rainy seasons and marched against the
rebel Afghans.
At the conclusion of the rains, Khwaja Abu-l Hasan also, according to orders, marched from
the vicinity of the fort of Alang by way of Baglana, towards Nasik and Trimbak. When he reached
Baglana, the Zamindar of that country, by name Bahar-Ji, met him with four hundred horse. **The
Khwaja entered the enemy's country by Way of the ghat of Jarahi. He found that the revenue
officers and raiyats had left their villages and had retired into the jungles and hills. So the country
was desolate, corn was dear, and the soldiers of the royal army Were in want of necessaries. The
Khwaja then sent detached forces into the hills, and also into the inhabited country, and they
returned from each raid with abundance of corn and other necessaries, having killed or taken
prisoners many of the enemy. The Be-Nizam now appointed Mahaldar Khan with a party of horse
and foot to vex the royal army at night with rockets. He was also directed to attack the parties sent
out to gather fuel and fodder, and to carry off their camels and bullocks whenever he could get a
chance. Shah-nawaz Khan was sent against these assailants, and he, making a forced march of
twenty kos, attacked them and put them to flight, and returned with great plunder. The Khwaja next
sent Khan-zaman to attack the enemy's camp at Sangamnir. This force made forced marches, and
reached the camp of the enemy, who dispersed and fled to the fort of Chandor. **
At the close of the rains, the royal army left its quarters in Dewal-ganw,and marched forth
against the Nizam-Shahis and the Afghans. On hearing of this, Mukarrab Khan and the other rebels
left Jalnapur, where they had passed the rainy season, and retreated towards Pathri. A'zam Khan,
being informed of their retreat, followed them march by march. When he reached the village of
Rambhuri, on the Ban-ganga river, he learnt that the Nizam-Shahis had ascended the Balaghat at
Dharur, and had taken refuge in the fort of that place, while Khan-Jahan had not yet left his quarters
at Bir. Khan-Jahan, having been informed of the movements of the Imperial army, called in a
detachment which he had sent to collect the revenues in the dependencies of Bir, and awaited the
arrival of reinforcements from Mukarrab Khan, who was at Dharur. A'zam Khan conceived the
design of attacking the forces of the rebel Khan before the reinforcements could reach him; so he
marched from Rambhuri to Mahganw. Here he received a message from Saf-shikan Khan Razwi,
commandant of the fort of Bir, informing him that Khan-Jahan was at Rajauri, twenty-four kos from
Machhli-ganw, employed in dividing the spoil which his predatory followers had obtained by
plundering the merchants at Kehun and
284 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
In 1630 the campaign started after the rains were over. Azam Khan, the Moghal commander
at Deulganv, moved out. The Ahmadnagar army under the command of Muqarrah Khan was at
Jalna a few miles away from the Moghal camp of Deulganv. At the movement of the Moghal army
he withdrew further south with the Moghal troops close at his heels. In the meanwhile Khan Jahan,
the rehel, was at his camp at Bid regrouping his forces and awaiting reinforcements from Muqarrab
Khan and
contd.
Kiorai. Several detachments which had been sent out to make collections had rejoined him, and as
he had heard of the arrival of the Imperial army at Pathri, he had made up his mind to move off as
soon as it came nearer to Bir.
A'zam Khan left a detachment in charge of his camp at Machhli-ganw to follow him quietly
while he marched off after night-fall to attack the rebels. Four ghans of night remained when he
reached Pipalnir, six kos from Bir, when he directed Saf-shikan Khan to make a demonstration with
his force on Khan-Jahan's flanks so that he might think this small force to be the whole of the royal
army, and refrain from moving away. Saf-shikan Khan accordingly drew out his force upon a ridge
about a kos in front of the rebel army, which had taken post at the foot of the hills about four kos
from Bir. A'ziz, son of Khan-Jahan, advanced to attack Saf-shikan with a body of his father's troops,
and at this juncture A'zam Khan came up with the main body of the royal army, and 'Aziz was
compelled to fall back in disorder to his father, whom he informed that the force which had first
shown itself was Saf-shikan Khan's division, and that the whole of the royal army was coming up
with all possible haste.
Khan-Jahan, when he found that his retreat Was cut off, determined to fight it out. **But the
royal troops forced their way to the top of the hill. Khan-Jahan sent away the elephant litter with his
women to Siu-ganw, and then rallied his troops for a struggle. He sent his nephew Bahadur, in
whose courage and daring he had great confidence, against Bahadur Khan and some others of the
royal army, who, being few in number, were very hard pressed. They dismounted, and, resolving to
sell their lives dearly, they kept up a desperate struggle, and slew many of the enemy. Bahadur
Khan received two wounds from arrows, one in his face, the other in his side, and several of his
comrades were slain. Narhar Das also and many Rajputs fell. Sipahdar Khan and others, who had
mounted the hill on the right, seeing the state of the battle, took shelter behind a stone wall, and
kept up a discharge of arrows. Raja Bihar Singh Bundela now came up from the right wing to
support Bahadur Khan. He joined valiantly in the struggle, and many of his men were killed. Raja Jai
Singh and other rajas who were on another part of the hill, also joined in the fight. 'Azam Khan next
came up in haste, and ordered a part of the left wing to advance. At this time, when many of the
Imperial officers had fallen, and the result seemed doubtful, the favour of Heaven fell upon the royal
forces. The ill-starred Bahadur, observing the successive arrivals of reinforcements for his
adversaries, lost heart, and turned to flee with his Afghans. His father also fled. As the discomfited
rebels hurried down the hill, they were harassed by showers of arrows and bullets. A ball struck
Bahadur Khan, and he was unable to continue his flight. Paras Ram, a servant of Raja Bihar Singh's
came up and despatched him with his dagger; then he cut off his head, and sent it with his ring,
horse and Weapons, to Raja Bihar Singh, who forwarded them to A'zam Khan. The Khan gave the
horse to the man who had slain Bahadur, the ring he sent to the Emperor, and the head he caused
to be set up as a warning over the gate of Bir.
The royal forces pursued the fugitives for three kos, and put many of them to the sword. But
as the victors had been in the saddle from the first watch in the evening of one day to the third
watch of the next day, and had marched more than thirty kos, men and beasts were both worn out,
and were unable to go further. A'zam Khan then called a halt, to allow of a little rest, and to give
strugglers time to come up.
Khan-Jahan and his followers, whose horses were fresh, took advantage ofthis to improve
their distance; but A'zam Khan sent Muhammad Dakhni and the forces that were in Bir to maintain
the pursuit, and he himself, after a brief interval, followed with the main force. When Khan-Jahan
learnt that the victors were in full pursuit he removed his ladies from the howda in which they had
been carried by a female elephant, and mounting them on horses rode away with them. Darwesh
Muhammad, with a party of pursuers, captured the elephant and howda, and made a number of
Afghans and their women prisoners. Most of Khan-Jahan's men who escaped were wounded, andin
their panic they were able to carry off nothing but the clothes they wore and the horses they rode.
Khan-Jahan, with a few faithful followers, escaped into the hill-country. **A'zam Khan halted at Bir,
to give his army a
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 285
Darya Khan. Azam Khan anticipated that Khan Jahan would move out on the approach of the
Moghal army. To forestall such a move he quickly marched by night towards the direction of Bid. To
draw out Khan Jahan, he sent an advanced contingent towards Bid in October 1630 keeping the
main bulk of his army immediately behind. As expected by Azam Khan, Khan Jahan marched to
attack the advanced contingent. The attacking force was dispersed and fled in disorder when it
found that that whole of the imperial army had been sent against it. Khan Jahan
contd.
little rest. **Khan-Jahan then proceeded from Siu-ganw to Bizapur and Bhonsla, in the Nizam-Shahi
territory, with the design of going to Daulatabad. On hearing of this movement, 'Azam Khan
marched from Bir towards Siu-ganw with 20,000 horse.
At this time, Sahu-ji Bhonsla, son-in-law of Jadu Rai, the Hindu commander of Nizam Shah's
army, came in and joined A'zam Khan. After the murder of Jadu Rai, which hasbeen mentioned
above, Sahu-ji broke off his connection with Nizam Shah, and, retiring to the districts of Puna and
Chakna, he wrote to A'zam Khan, proposing to make his submission upon receiving a promise of
protection. A'zam Khan wrote to Court, and received orders to accept the proposal. Sahu-ji then
came and joined him with two thousand horse. He received a mansab of 5,000, a khil'at, a gift of
two lacs of rupees, and other presents. His brother Mina-ji received a robe and a mansab of 3,000
personal and 1,500 horse. Samaji son of Sahu-ji, also received a robe and a mansab of 2,000
personal and 1,000 horse. Several of their relations and dependents also obtained gifts and marks
of distinction.
Khan-Jahan and Darya Khan when they heard of the march of the Imperial forces towards
Siu-ganw, quitted Bizapur and Bhonsla, and went to the village of Lasur, ten kos from Daulatabad.
Nizam Shah also, on being informed of this advance, withdrew from Nizamabad, which he had built
outside of the fort of Daulatabad, and around which his adherents had built various houses and
edifices, and entered into the fort itself. Khan-Jahan and Darya Khan, no longer deeming it safe to
remain at Lasur, went to Ir-Kahtala, half a kos from Daulatabad, and a few days later Khan-Jahan
removed his family to Aubash-darra, a place within cover of Daulatabad. Darya Khan, with a
thousand Afghans, separated from Khan-Jahan, marched towards Chandor, and the ghat of Chalisganw,
with the intention of attacking Andol and Dharan-ganw.
This movement being reported to the Emperor, **he appointed A'bdu-Ila Khan, whom he had
summoned from the Balaghat, to act against Darya Khan, and sent him off on the 10th Jumada-l
awwal. Darya Khan had ravaged Andol, Dharan-ganw, and sundry other places of the Payin-ghat of
Chalis-ganw; but on hearing of the approach of A'bdu-lla Khan, he turned back to the Balaghat.
Want of rain and the ravages of the Nizam-Shahis and Afghans, had made provisions very scarce
about Daulatabad; so A'zam Khan did not deem it prudent to advance in that direction, but thought it
preferable to march against Mukarrab Khan and Bahlol, who were at Dharur and Ambajogai, in
which plan of operations he was confirmed by a letter from Yaminu-d daula, who was at Ojhar. So
he marched towards the ghat by way of Manik-dudh. (After some lighting) the royal forces ascended
the ghat and took the village of Daman-ganw, twenty kos from Ahmadnagar. Next day they marched
to Jamkhir, in the Nizam-Shahi territories. **Leaving a force there, he next day proceeded to Tilangi.
The gasrison of the fort there had set it in order, arrd opened fire upon him. **But in the course of
one watch he took it by assault put many of the defenders to the sword, took nearly five hundred
prisoners, and captured all the munitions of the fort. When the royal forces reached the banks of the
Wanjara, twelve kos from the fort of Dharur, they found that Mukarrab Khan and his confederates
had passed down the pass of Anjan-dudh, and had gone to the neighbourhood of Bir. A'zam Khan
then sent Sahu-ji Bhonsla to take possession of the districts around Junir and Sangamnir, whilst he
himself, with the main force went through the pass of Ailam to the town of Bir, and proceeded from
thence to Patur, on the bank of the river Dudna. The enemy then fled towards Daulatabad. But
'Azam Khan learnt that scarcity of provisions prevented them from remaining in that vicinity, arid that
they had moved off towards the Balaghat, by way of Dharur-He then determined to intercept and
attack them. But he found that the enemy, having placed their elephants and baggage in the fort of
Dharur, had the design of descending the Payin-ghat. So he went through the pass of Anjan-dudh,
and, encamped three kos from Dharur. Badshah-Nama in Elliot and Dow son, Vol. VI I, pp. 10—1 7.
286 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
now decided to retreat. His retreat had been cut off. He had no alternative left but to make a
determined stand. The result was a foregone conclusion. The rebels were completely routed and
pursued till the tired horses of the Moghals could go no further. Khan Jahan escaped with the ladies
of his harem. Accompanied by Darya Khan, who had hurried from Nevasa to join him, he moved
first to Sevgahv and then to Vaijapur hoping to find refuge in Daulatabad. Nizam Sah had shut
himself up in that fort. After resting his troops for a while Azam Khan advanced west in the pursuit of
Khan Jahan. It was while Azam Khan was on his way to Sevganv that Sahaji, the father of Sivaji
who had, following the murder of his father-in-law Lakhuji Jadhav Rav on 24th July 1629 in the
Nizamsahi court, withdrawn from his allegiance to the Ahmadnagar Sultans, joined Azam Khan.
Azam Khan welcomed Sahaji. In November 1630, Sahaji became a Moghal mansabdar. In the
meanwhile the rebel, Khan Jahan, had sent a force under Darya Khan to raid the territory in
Khandes. Darya Khan had to retire due to the advancing Moghal army against him commanded by
Abdullah Khan. Azam who, in November had arrived near Sevganv, instead of pursuing Khan
Jahan, returned south. He marched to Jamkhed and Dharur. On the approach of the imperial army
Muqarrab Khan moved towards Bid. But being followed there by Azam Khan he turned towards
Daulatabad and from thence again southwards. In December 1630 Azam Khan sent Sahaji to
subjugate the districts of Junnar and Sangamner.
The Sultan of Ahmadnagar now repented for having supported Khan Jahan. His territory was
now desolate and he was surrounded by hostile forces. He, therefore, turned out Khan Jahan and
Darya Khan with their followers from Daulatabad. They escaped to central India. They were closely
followed by imperial troops. They were killed in January 1631 by the officers of the imperial army
after sharply fought engagements. At Daulatabad the Nizam Sah appointed Fath Khan as his
minister.
War in the Deccan.
The war in the Deccan had not ended. Azam Khan again moved out against the Ahmadnagar
army. He first attacked Dharur and captured it on 17th January 1631 He then invested Parenda.
Azam Khan now made an approach to Bijapur. The two powerful leaders in Bijapiir were divided in
their1
1 The details of this are as under:
Capture of the Fort of Dharur.—A'zam Khan, having ascended the pass of Anjan-dudh,
encamped three kos from Dharur. He then directed Multafit Khan and others to make an attack
upon the town of Dharur and its petta, where once a week people from all parts far and near, were
accustomed to meet for buying and selling. The fort of Dharur was celebrated throughout the Dakhin
for its strength and munitions of war. It was built upon the top of a ridge, and deep river of difficult
passage ran on two sides of it. It was so secure that any effort upon it by the royal army was likely to
prove unsuccessful; so Marhamat Khan was directed to plunder the to an and petta, but not to make
any attempt upon the fortress. *** The garrison became disheartened, and remiss in their duty. **
On the 23rd Jumada-ssani Marhamat Khan made his way in with a party of men, and opened the
wicket. A'zam Khan then entered with all his officers, and nearly two thousand men scaled the walls
and got into the fort. All the vast munitions, the jewels, etc., became spoil of war. Badshah-Nama in
Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 20.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 287
attitudes towards the Moghals. Mustafa Khan was favourable to them and was a bitter enemy of the
Nizam Sah, because his father-in-law Muhammad Lari had been killed by Malik Ambar. He,
therefore, advocated the total extinction of Ahmadnagar in co-operation with the Moghals. But
Randullah Khan and some other premier nobles were opposed to this view and tried to dissuade
Muhammad Adil Sah from concurring with the opinion of Mustafa Khan. But for the time being the
latter triumphed over his opponents and the king ordered Randullah Khan to march to the frontier to
be ready to help the Imperialists if they asked for it1. Parenda resisted stoutly against the Moghal
onslaught. Fearing the worst due to conditions of drought that prevailed in the areas of vital
operations, Azam Khan withdrew to Dharur. The other Moghal contingent under Nasiri Khan,
however, gained success against the now combined forces of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur and
subjugated Kandhar (June 1631) and cleared Berar of the enemy troops. Khvaja Abul Hasan who
had been sent to the western frontier of Ahmadnagar succeeded in reducing Nasik and Sangamner2
1 Basatin-us-Salatin, F. 45 (B).
2 The details about the attack on Parenda and the subsequent events are as under:
Attack on Parenda.—A'zam Khan was in the neighbourhood of Parenda, intent upon the
reduction of that fortress, and the capture of the elephants and stores which had been sent there. **
He sent Raja Jai Singh with a detachment to ravage the town and petta. The Raja first plundered
the petta, which was about a kos distant on the left of the fortress. He then attacked the town, which
was surrounded by a mud (kham) wall five gaz high and three gaz thick, and by a ditch of three
cubits (sih zara') broad (?). He broke through the walls by means of his elephants, and the
musketeers of the garrison then fled into the ditch of the fort. The town was plundered. A'zam Khan
then arrived, *** and entered the town, to secure the elephants belonging to the enemy, which had
been taken into the ditch of the fortress. Seven elephants were seized and brought out, and much
other booty was secured. *** 'Azam Khan pressed the siege, and the troops drove zigzags up to the
edge of the ditch in three places, and began to fill it up. He raised a battery exactly opposite the gate
of the fortress, at the distance of an arrow-shot from the moat. He then pushed his zigzags to the
very edge of the moat, and there raised a battery, to which the men in the Sher-Haji found it very
difficult to reply.
It now became evident that A'dil Khan, through his tender years, had no real power, but that
the reins of government were in the hands of a slave named Daulat who had been originally a
minstrel (kulawant), and whom the King's father, Ibrahim Adil, had ennobled with the title of Daulat
Khan, and had placed in command of the fortress of Bijapur. This ungrateful infamous fellow, after
the death of Ibrahim, assumed the title 'Khawas Khan', and delivered the government over to a
mischievous turbulent brahman, named Murari Pandit. This same Daulat put out the eyes of
Darwesh Muhammad, the eldest son of Ibrahim A'dil Khan by the daughter of Kutbu-l Mulk, and
demanded his daughter in marriage, thus bringing to infamy the name and honour of his indulgent
patron. The 'Adil Khanis and the Nizam-Shahis had now made common cause and were united.
The siege of Parenda had gone on for a month. Provender had throughout been difficult to
procure, and now no grass was to be found within twenty kos. So Azam Khan was obliged to raise
the siege, and to go to Dharur. *** The A'dil Khanis retreated before A'zam Khan, and he encamped
on the banks of the Wanjira. Next day he captured the' town and fort of Balni which the inhabitants
defended in the hope of receiving assistance. After plundering the place, he marched to Mandu, and
from Mandu to Dharur.
Famine in the Dakhin and Gujarat.
During the past year no rain had fallen in the territories of the Balaghat, and the drought had
been especially severe about Daulatabad. In the present year also there had been a deficiency in
the bordering countries, and a total want in the Dakhin and Gujarat. The inhabitants of these two
countries were reduced to the direst
288 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
"Sahjahan was now able to turn his attention to Adilsah, On December 3, 1631, he dismissed
Asaf Khan to invade Bijapur with practically the entire army, which had recently been campaigning
in Ahmadnagar. From Kandhar to Bhalki the progress of the Imperialists was uninterrupted. At
Bhalki the garrison offered resistance, but they were easily overcome. At Kamlapur Asaf Khan
received an Adilsahi messenger, Rizullah, who brought a letter in which the Adilsah expressed
repentance
contd.
extremity. Life was offered for a loaf but none would buy; rank was to be sold for a cake, but none
cared for it; the ever-bounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for food; and the feet which had
always trodden the way of contentment walked about only in search of sustenance. For a long time
dog's flesh was sold for goat's flesh, and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour and
sold. When this was discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitution at length reached
such a pitch that men began to devour each other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love.
The numbers of the dying caused obstructions in the roads and every man whose dire sufferings did
not terminate in death and who retained the power to move wandered off to the towns and villages
of other countries. Those lands which had been famous for their fertility and plenty now retained no
trace of productiveness. *** The Emperor in his gracious kindness and bounty directed the officials
of Burhanpur, Ahmadabad, and the country of Surat, to establish soup kitchens, or alms-houses,
such as are called langar in the language of Hindustan, for the benefit of the poor and destitute.
Every day sufficient soup and bread was prepared to satisfy the wants of the hungry. It was further
ordered that so long as His Majesty remained at Burhanpur 5,000 rupees should be distributed
among the deserving poor every Monday, that day being distinguished above all others as the day
of the Emperor's accession to the throne. Thus, on twenty Mondays one lac of rupees was given
away in charity. Ahmadabad had suffered more severely than any other place, and so His Majesty
ordered the officials to distribute 50,000 rupees among the famine-stricken people. Want of rain and
dearness of grain had caused great distress in many other countries. So under the directions of the
wise and generous Emperor taxes amounting to nearly seventy lacs of rupees were remitted by the
revenue officers—a sum amounting to nearly eighty krors of dams, and amounting to one-eleventh
part of the whole revenue. When such remissions were made from the exchequer, it may be
conceived how great were the reductions made by the nobles who held jagirs and mansabs.
Capture of the Fort of Situnda.
Sipahdar Khan, after obtaining possession of the fort of Taltam (by the treachery of the
garrison), laid siege to Situnda by command of the Emperor, and pressed the place very hard. Sidi
Jamal, the governor, offered to surrender on terms which were agreed to; so he and his family came
out, and the fort passed into the possession of the Imperialists.
Capture of Kandahar
Nasiri Khan had been placed in command of aforce. with instructions to conquer the kingdom
of Telingana. He resolved upon reducing the fort of Kandahar, which was exceedingly strong, and
the most famous one of that country. It was under the command of Sadik, the son of Yakut
Khudawand Khan, and was in full state of pre paration. On the 23rd Jumada-l awwal he encamped
one fas from the fortress. Next day he prepared to attack the town of Kandahar; but before reaching
the place he was opposed by Sarfaraz Khan, the general commanding in that country, who had
taken up a position between the fort and the town, and having covered his front with artillery,
awaited the attack. He was protected also by the guns and muskets of the fortress. The royal army
attacked with great vigour, and killed a great many of the enemy. Sarfaraz Khan with a few followers
fled to the Nizam-Shahis. Afterthis Nasiri Khan pushed on the siege. *** Randaula, Mukarrab Khan,
andothers, witha united force of Adil-Khanis and Nizam-Shahis came up to attack him in his tren
ches. Undismayed by this fresh enemy, he boldly faced his assailants; and although he had also to
bear the fire of the guns and muskets of the fortress, he defeated them with considerable loss, and
compelled them to fall back a distance of three kos. Out of twenty-one mines which had been
opened, six were complete; three were charged with powder, and three were kept in reserve. A'zam
Khan, who had marched to support Nasiri Khan, now approached, and Nasiri Khan went forth to
meet him and to bring him to see the springing of the mines and the assault upon the fortress. The
match was applied to the three mines; one failed, but the other two brought
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 289
for his conduct, requested pardon, and promised to pay an indemnity. But as Rizullah was not an
accredited messenger of the Adilsah, Asaf Khan did not attach much importance to his mission, and
dismissed him. The journey to Bijapur was resumed. On the way the Imperialists plundered the town
and suburbs of Gulberga. On the Bhima, Asaf Khan reviewed his army, which numbered 30,000.
The Imperialists encamped between Nauraspur and Sahpur, and opened the siege of Bijapur.
Daily skirmishes occurred between the besiegers and the garrison, and an incessant fire from the
fort prevented the Moghals from advancing further. Meanwhile some Adilsahi officers opened
negotiations for a peaceful settlement with the invaders. First came Saykh Dabir. He made certain
proposals on behalf of Khavas Khan; they were summarily rejected. Upon this the Bijapuri nobles
prevailed upon Mustafa Khan to mediate a peace with the Moghals, because he was considered to
possess some influence with them.
In fact Mustafa Khan was already in correspondence with Asaf Khan, and even held out wild
promises of support. On one occasion he sent word through his adopted son, Ali Riza, that he was
ready to admit the Imperialists into the fort through his trenches, but later he retracted,
notwithstanding the fact that he had taken many oaths to abide by the promise. His duplicity made
Asaf Khan distrustful of him, and he insisted that he would make no contract until Mustafa Khan and
Khairiyat Khan came personally to confirm its terms. Accordingly both of them came out of the fort
at night, and were received at the gate by Nasiri Khan.
After a protracted discussion it was settled that the Adilsah should pay four millions of rupees
as indemnity, partly in cash and partly in jewellery and other valuables. A document embodying
these conditions was drawn up, and Mustafa Khan returned to the fort to get it properly sealed and
confirmed by his master. Asaf Khan's servant Abdur Rihan accompanied Mustafa Khan to bring
back the document. Further in token of his goodwill the Adilsah surrendered Bahadur Khan and
Yusuf Khan, who had been captured by his officers on a previous occasion.
But when Mustafa Khan revealed the terms of the treaty to Khavas Khan, the latter declined
to accept them. He was, moreover, supported in his attitude by many of the nobles.
contd.
down the wall of the Sher-Haji with half a bastion. The garrison kept up a discharge of rockets,
mortars, stones and grenades but the storming parties pressed on. The conflict raged from mid-day
till sunset, but the wall of the fortress was not sufficiently levelled, and the defenders kept up such a
heavy fire that the assailants were forced to retire. At night the trenches were carried forward, and
preparations were made for firing the other mines. The garrison saw that the place must fall, and
***made offers of surrender, which were accepted, and the Imperial troops took possession of the
fortress. **The siege had lasted four months and nineteen days, and the place fell on the 15th
Shawwal.—Badshah-Nama in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, pp. 22—27.
290 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
Khavas Khan detained Abdur Rihan for two days, and then sent word through him that the
agreement duly signed would be sent through his own representatives. When the latter came, they
offered fresh terms which were accepted by Asaf Khan. They promised to send the agreement the
following day.
But the prolonging of negotiations was merely a device of Khavas Khan to gain time. The
Bijapuris obtained information of the conditions prevailing in the Moghal camp. When once Khavas
Khan became certain of the weakness of the Imperialists, he broke his word and attacked the
Moghal soldiers who had entered the town to make purchases.
Asaf Khan's eagerness to conclude peace with Adilsah was dictated by the considerations of
the misery of his followers, who were suffering from scarcity. He had very foolishly advanced into
the heart of the enemy's country without making suitable arrangements for the maintenance of
supplies. For once his generalship was put to the test, and he gave a sorry display of his abilities.
The Bijapuris had completely ravaged the neighbouring districts, so that during the siege, food grain
was hardly available to the Moghals. So terrible was the scarcity that a seer was sold for one rupee,
and fodder was not to be had at all. It was these conditions which changed the attitude of Khavas
Khan and led him to disregard the might of the Moghal army.
When his representatives were leaving the Moghal camp, one of Mustafa Khan's men, who
had accompanied them, dropped a note to inform the Imperialists of the duplicity of Khavas Khan.
Of necessity Asaf Khan had to break up his camp, and to retire towards the districts where he could
feed his men. On the way the Moghals indulged in wanton outrages. They sacked and plundered
the towns they passed through. Thus revenging themselves on the innocent, and leaving misery
and desolation in their wake, they reached Bid, pursued by a Bijapur army. The invasion proved a
dismal failure, and the Adilsah had not been humbled1.
In the midst of this war of attrition between the Moghals on the one hand and the combined
opposition of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur on the other, court intrigues were flourishing in Ahmadnagar.
Muqarrab Khan who was now defending the territory of Ahmadnagar against the Moghals had
confined his brother-in-law Fath Khan and put the nominal ruler Murtaza Nizam Sah under his
complete control. The puppet ruler, however, took advantage of the continued absence of Muqarrab
Khan on the field of battle. He asserted himself and releasing Fath Khan put him in charge of the
government. Disgusted with the king's behaviour Muqarrab Khan transferred his loyalties to the
Moghals and entered into their service. He was created Rustam Khan. Fath Khan, now (October
1631) in complete charge of the affairs of the state, proved to be an unworthy
1 "History of Shah Jahan of Dilhi " by Saxena.pp. 56—59."
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 291
son of a worthy father. He made overtures to the Moghals, expecting to receive favours from the
emperor. He was bluntly told that he could prove his loyalty to the emperor by removing the Sultan.
Fath Khan had already made Murtaza Nizam Sah a virtual prisoner. Now to prove his worthiness he
had Murtaza Nizam Sah murdered by poisoning, and put on the throne Husain, (1631 Oct.-Nov.) a
boy of ten1. He, however, hesitated
1 The murder of Nizam Shah and the subsequent Moghal operations against Bijapur are
described in the following paragraphs:
Nizam Shah
A latter from Sipahdar Khan informed the Emperor how Fath Khan, feeling that his release
from confinement by Nizam Shah had been a matter of necessity, and that he would be imprisoned
again as soon as his master's mind was at ease, he had resolved to be beforehand with him, and
had placed Nizam Shah in confinement, as his father Malik 'Ambar had done before. ***Fath Khan
then addressed a letter to Yaminu-d-daula Asaf Khan, informing him that he had placed Nizam
Shah in confinement on account of his evil character and his enmity to the Imperial throne, for which
act he hoped to receive some mark of favour. In answer he was told that if he wished to prove his
sincerity, he should rid the world of such a worthless and wicked being. On receiving this direction,
Fath Khan secretly made away with Nizam Shah, but gave out that he had died a natural death. He
placed Nizam Shah's son Husain, a lad of ten years old, on the throne as his successor. He
reported these facts to the Imperial Court, and was directed to send the jewels and valuables of the
late king, and his own el dest son as a hostage.
Operations against Adil Khan
Muhammad 'Adil Khan (of Bijapur), through youth, inexperience, and evil counsellors,
especially a slave named Daulat (who had assumed the title of Khawass Khan) had shown himself
unfaithful to the Imperial throne, and regardless of the allegiance paid by his father. The Emperor
commissioned Yaminu-d daula Asaf Khan to arouse him from his negligence and disregard of his
duty, Asaf Khan was empowered to demand from him a return to obedience and the payment of
tribute. If he agreed to these terms, he was to be left alone if not, as much as possible of his territory
was to be conquered, and the rest laid waste.
Campaign against Bijapur
Asaf Khan proceeded on his expedition, and arrived at Nander, where he remained two days.
There he left the main part of his army, and proceeded express to the fort of Kandahar, which he
inspected. One stage further on he came to the fort of Bhalki. ***Orders were given for the reduction
of the place, and entrenchments were commenced, but it was resolved to attempt the capture of the
place by escalade at night. The garrison got notice of this, and evacuated the place under cover of
darkness. ***Asaf Khan then marched towards Khalanor, a flourishing place belonging to 'Adil Khan.
When he arrived at Sultanpur, near the city of Kulbarga, the generalin command had taken the
principal inhabitants into the fort of Kulbarga, which was well armed with guns, muskets, and other
instruments of war. Next day 'Azam Khan, under the directions of Asaf Khan, made an attack upon
the town, and carried it, notwithstanding a heavy fire from the fort. The victors plundered whatever
thev could lay their hands on, and captured many horsesin the ditch of the fortress. Asaf Khan did
not deem it expedient to attempt the reduction of the fortress, as it would have been a difficult
undertaking and a cause of delay; so he retired, and encamped near the river Nahnura. Then he
advanced to the vicinity of Bijapur, and encamped on the borders of a tank between Nauras-pur and
Shahpur. The enemy every day came out of the ditch into the plain, and there was a warm
interchange of rockets arrows, and musketry. But although the enemy kept up also a heavy fire from
the fortifications, they were regularly driven back to the shelter of the walls.
Asaf Khan used to take every precaution for the safety of the detachments which went out
every day to collect fodder, but the army was large and the animals numerous, so this was no easy
matter.
The enemy were constantly on the alert, and struck whenever they got an opportunity. ***At
the beginning a man named Shaikh Dabir one of the confidants of Khawass Khan, came out with
overtures of peace and offers of tribute; but as they were not worthy of trust, they were rejected.
Afterwards Mustafa Khan, son-in-law of Mulla Muhammad Lahori, kept up a secret correspondence
with Asaf Khan,
292 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
to comply with the terms of agreement viz., surrender of the royal treasury and elephants. This
hesitation on his part invited another Moghal attack on him, now under the command of Muqarrah
Khan who was created Rustam Khan. Rustam Khan was given specific orders to reduce
Daulatabad. With no choice left, Fath Khan offered total surrender to the Moghals.
The Moghal efforts to capture Parenda did not, however, adherents of the Nizamsahi kingdom
of Ahmadnagar had transferred his allegiance to the emperor on the latter's arrival in the Deccan to
suppress the rebellion of Khan Jahan. He received in Jagir the lands which were held by Fath Khan.
contd.
expressing his devotion and proposing to admit the Imperial troops into the fortress. ***After much
negotiation, it was agreed that Mustafa Khan and Khairiyat Khan Habshi, uncle of Randaula, should
come to Asaf Khan and arrange for the transmission of tribute and the settlement of the terms of
peace. Accordirgly both came out of Bijapur, ***and it wasfinally agreed that 'Adil Khan should send
tribute to the value of forty lacs of rupees in jewels, valuables, elephants, and money, and that he
should ever after remain faithful to his allegiance. A treaty in these terms was accordingly drawn up.
*** The two negotiators returned to Bijapur, and Shaikh 'Abdu-r-Rahim Khairabadi wentin with them
to obtain 'Adil Khan's signature to the treaty.
On the third day the Shaikh was sent back with a message that they would send out their own
wakils with the treaty. Next day they came out with certain propositions that 'Asaf Khan considered
reasonable, and he accepted them. It was agreed that the treaty should be sent out next day. As
they were about to depart one of the wakils, who was a confidant of Mustafa Khan, dropped a letter
of his before Asaf Khan, without the knowledge of his companion. The letter said that Khawass
Khan was well aware that provender was very scarce in the Imperial army; that the fetching of grass
and fuel from long distances was a work of great toil to man and beast and that in consequence it
would be impossible for the Imperial army to maintain its position more than a few davs longer.
Khawass Khan had therefore resolved to have recourse to artifice and procrastination, in the
expectation that Asaf Khan would he obliged to raise the siege and retire baffled.
The siege had lasted twenty days, and during that time no corn had reached the army, and
before its arrival the enemy had laid waste all the country round, and carried off the grain to distant
places. The provisions which the army had brought with it was all exhausted, and grain had risen to
the price of one rupee per sir. Men and beasts were sinking. So it was resolved, after consultation,
that the royal army should remove from Bijapur into some better sunplied part of the enemy's
country, that the Imperial army might be recruited, and the territory of the enemy be wasted at the
same time. With this intention the royal army marched along the bank of the Kishan Gang to Raibagh
arid Miraj two of the richest places in that country. Where-ever they found supplies they rested
and parties were sent out to plunder in all directions. On whatever road they went they killed and
made prisoners and ravaged and laid waste on both sides. From the time of their entering the
territories to the time of their departure they kept up this devastation and plunder. The best part of
the country was trodden under, and so as the forces had recovered strength and the rains were
near, the royal army passed by the fort of Sholapur, and descended by the passes into the Imperial
territories. 15,000 men of the enemy, who had followed them to Sholapur, then turned back to
Bijapur.
Return of the Court from Burhanpur to Agra
The Emperor being tired of his residence at Burhanpur. resolved to return to the capital; so he
set out on the 24th Ramazan, **and arrived there on the 1st zi-l-hijja 1241 A. H.
Affairs in the Dakhin had not been managed so well as they ought to have been by 'Azam
Khan; so a mandate was sent to Mahabat Khan Khan-khanan, informing him that the government of
Khandesh and the Dakhin had been conferred upon him, and he was directed to make the
necessary preparations as quickly as possible, and start from Dehli to meet the Emperor and
receive instructions. Yaminu-d-daula Asaf Khan, with 'Azam Khan and other nobles under his
command, were directed to return to Court.—Badshah-Nama in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, pp.
27—31.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 293
With the complete submission of Fath Khan to the Moghals some of the Jagirs now held by
Sahaji were restored to him1. This naturally enraged Sahaji who left the Moghal services2. In 1632
he secured the alliance of Muhammad Adil Sah and marched against Daulatabad in December
1632. Fath Khan who saw no chance of saving Daulatabad wrote to Mahabat Khan to relieve
Daulatabad. He offered its surrender to the Moghals expressing his willingness to enter the service
of the Emperor. In January 1633 Mahabat Khan sent his son Khan Zaman to counter the Bijapur
army. Khan Zaman attacked this army in the neighbourhood of Khadki and defeated it. Randullah
Khan, the Bijapur general, was the commander of this force. He now resorted to intrigue and
decided to conciliate Fath Khan by offering him a large sum, promising to leave Daulatabad with him
and making him break the promise of surrendering the fort of Daulatabad to the Moghals. Randullah
Khan succeeded in seducing Fath Khan to his side. Mahabat Khan decided to attack the fort of
Daulatabad. He invested it with a large force. The siege was laid in January 1633. Sapping and
mining operations were started. Even though the Bijapuris were constantly pushed back the
combined strength of the Ahmadnagar and Bijapur forces ran well over 20,000. To checkmate their
operations and prevent any reinforcement from reaching Daulatabad, Mahabat Khan fielded a large
mobile army against this force. The siege continued for six months. The Moghals at last succeeded
in blowing a large mine which brought down a large part of the rampart wall. A fierce struggle now
ensued. All attempts by Randullah Khan and Sahajl to relieve the fort by diversionary movements
and the harassment of the besiegers failed to give the besieged garrison the breathing space it so
desperately needed. The commanders of the Bijapur garrison Khairiyat Khan and Datto Nagnath
wrote to Mahabat Khan that they be allowed to leave the fort. This was granted.
1 Fath Khan who put Husain, the young son of Murtaza Nizam Shah II, proclaimed him King
under the title of Husain Nizam Shah III. To seek royal favour he sent his son Abdur Rusul with gifts
to the imperial court.
2 Shahaji's activities against the Moghals are described in the following paragraph:—
Surrender of the Fort of Galna
After Fath Khan, son of MalikA'mbar, had put Nizam Shah to death, Mahmud Khan, the
Commandant of the fort of Galna, repudiated his authority, and put the fortress in a state of defence,
intending to deliver it over to Sahu-ji Bhonsla, who, unmindful of the favours he had received from
the Imperial throne, had strayed from the path of obedience, and had possessed himself of Nasik,
Trimbak, Sangam-nir and Junir, as far as the country of the Kokan. He had got into his power one of
the relatives of the late Nizam Shah, who had been confined in one of the strongest fortresses in the
kingdom, and raised the banner of independence. He (Mahmud Khan) wished to deliver the fort
over to him. Khan Zaman, who was acting as deputy of his father in the Government of the Dakhin,
Birar and Khandesh, when he was informed of Mahmud Khan's proceedings, wrote to Mir Kasim
Khan Harawi, commandant of the fort of Alang, which is near to Galna. He directed him to
endeavour by promises of Imperial favour to win him over, and prevent the surrender of the fortress
to Sahu-ji Bhonsla. Mir Kasim communicated with Mahmud Khan on the subject, and the latter
invited the Mir to come to him. After a good deal of talk, Mahmud Khan assented to the proposition,
and in the hope of a great reward delivered over the fort to the representatives of the Emperor.
Badshah-Nama in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, pp. 35-36.
294 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
Now another mine was ready to be exploded to blow up the inner defence ring of the fort. Fath Khan
now offered to come to terms but asked for a day to consult his Bijapur allies. Mahabat Khan who
had grown weary of the treachery of Fath Khan agreed on condition that Fath Khan should sent his
son as hostage till such time as the terms of submission were agreed upon. Fath Khan failed to
agree and the mine was blown up tearing down the inner circle of defences. The Moghals at the
same time beat back an attack by the Bijapuris. To add to the worries of the fort garrison which had
already been reduced to miserable straits due to want of provisions, an epidemic broke out in the
fort. Fath Khan became desperate. He sent his son to Mahabat Khan with a request that he might
be allowed some time to surrender. The siege of the fort had continued for more than five months.
The fort was surrendered with all the guns and ammunitions on 7 June 1633. Mahabat Khan
entered the fort and led public prayers reciting the name of the emperor1. Thus
1 The details of this are as under:
Conquest of Daulatabad.—Fath Khan, son of 'Ambar Habshi, conceiving his interest to lie in
making submission to the Emperor, had sent his son, A'bdur-Rusul, with a suitable offering to the
foot of the Imperial throne, professing obedience and praying for favour. The Emperor graciously
bestowed upon him some districts which had formerly belonged to him, but had been since given to
Sahu-ji Bhonsla. Now, in compliance with the request of Fath Khan, they were restored to him. This
gave great offence to the turbulent Sahu-ji who went and joined the Bijapuris, and induced A'dil
Khan to place him in command of a force for wresting the fortress of Daulatabad from the hands of
Fath Khan. The latter was much incensed against the Nizam-Shahis, and had no faith in them; so
he wrote to Khan-Khanan Mahabat Khan, informing him that Sahu-ji Bhonsla was preparing to bring
a force from Bijapur against him, and that, as the fortress was ill provisioned, there was great
probability of its being taken, unless Mahabat Khan came to his assistance. If the Khan came
quickly, he would surrender the fortress, and would himself proceed to the Imperial Court. The
Khan-Khanan accordingly sent forward his son, Khan-Zaman, with an advanced force, and he
himself followed on the 9th Jumada-ssani (Khan-Zaman defeats a covering army of Bijapur).
The Bijapuris were discouraged by the chastisement they had received from the Imperial
army, so they made offers of an arrangement to Fath Khan. They offered to leave the fortress in his
possession, to give him three lacs of pagodas in cash, and to throw provisions into the fort. That illstarred
foolish fellow, allured by these promises, broke his former engagement, and entered into an
alliance with them. Most of the animals in the fortress had died from want of provender, and the
Bijapuris now, at the instance of Fath Khan, exerted themselves in getting provisions. When Khan-
Khanan who was at Zafarnagar, was informed of these proceedings, he wrote to Khan-Zaman
directing him to make every exertion for the reduction of the fortress, and for the punishment of the
traitor and the Bijapuris. (Skirmishes in the vicinity).
Khan-Khanan, on being informed of the state of affairs, marched from Zafarnagar to
Daulatabad, and reached there on the last day of Shaban. Next morning he rode out with his son,
Khan-Zaman, to reconnoitre the fortress, and took up his residence in a house belonging to Nizam
Shah at Nizampur, near the fortress. (Disposition of his forces). He placed the artillery and siege
material under the direction of (his son) Luhrasp, and ordered that a constant fire should be kept up
from a high hill which governs the fortress and upon which Kaghziwara stands. He also ordered
Khan-Zaman to be constantly on the alert with 5,000 cavalry, and ready to render assistance
wherever it might be required in the trenches. The Imperial army having thus invested the place,
and formed trenches, pushed on the siege, running zigzags, forming mines and preparing scaling
ladders.
Fath Khan placed the son of Nizam Shah in the Kala-kot (black fort), which was considered
impregnable. He himself took post in the Maha-kot (great fort), and the body of the forces were
stationed in the outer works called A'mbar-kot, because they had been raised by Malik A'mbar to
protect the place against the advance of the Imperial power. (Defeat of many attempts to victual and
relieve the fortress from without, and of sorties from within).
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 295
contd.
On the 9th Shawwal a mine which had been formed from the trenches of Khan-Zaman was
charged, and the forces having been named for the assault, were ordered to assemble in the
trenches before break of day. The mine was to be fired at the first appearance of dawn, and upon
the walls being blown down, the stormers were to rush into the fort. By mistake the mine was fired
an hour before dawn, and before the storming parties were ready. Twenty-eight gaz of the walls and
twelve gaz of the bastion was blown away, and a wide breach was made. But the troops not having
arrived, no entry was effected. The defenders rushed to the breach, and kept up such a rain of
arrows, bullets, and rockets, that the storming party was obliged to take refuge in the trenches. Then
they exerted themselves to stop the breach with palisades and planks. The commander of the
Imperial army desired to dismount and lead the assault, but Nasiri Khan urged that it was against all
the rules of warfare for the commander-in-chief to act in such a way. He himself would lead the
storming party, trusting in God and hoping for the favour of the Emperor. Khan-Khanan directed
Mahes Das Rathor and others to support him. The Imperial troops rushed to the breach, and the
defenders made a desperate resistance; but Nasiri Khan, although wounded, forced his way in upon
the right, and Raja Bihar Singh and other Hindus upon the left. They were fiercely encountered by
Khairiyat Khan Bijapuri and others with sword and dagger, but they at length prevailed, and drove
the defenders into the ditch of the Maha-kot for shelter. Great numbers of the garrison fell under the
swords of the victors. Thus fell the celebrated works of Malik A'mbar, which were fourteen gaz in
height and ten gaz in thickness and well furnished with guns and all kinds of defences. The Imperial
commander having thus achieved a great success, proceeded with Nasiri Khan to inspect the
works, and immediately took steps for attacking the Maha-kot. (Diversion made by the enemy in the
direction of Birar. Another attempt by Randaula and Sahu-ji to relieve the fortress).
With great perseverance the besiegers pushed a mine under the Maha-kot, and Fath Khan
was so much alarmed that he sent his wives and family into the Kala-kot. He himself with Khairiyat
Khan uncle of Randaula, and some other Bijapuris, remained in the Maha-kot. The Bijapu is being
greatly depressed by the scarcity of food and the progress of the Imperial arms, sought permission
through Malu-ji to be allowed to escape secretly, and to go to their master. Khan-khanan sent a
written consent, and by kind words encouraged their drooping spirits. Nearly two hundred of them
after night-fall descended by a ladder fastened to the battlements. Khan-khanan sent for them, and
consoled them with kind words and presents. (Several more attempts to relieve the fortress).
On the 25th Zi-l-kada, the commander-in-chief visited the trenches. He went to Saiyid'
A'lawal, whose post was near the mine of the Sher-Haji of the Maha-kot, and determined that the
mines should be blown up. Fath Khan got notice of this, and in the extremity of his fear he sent his
wakil to Khan-khanan and with great humility represented that he had bound himself to the A'dil-
Khanis by the most solemn compact not to make peace without their approval. He, therefore,
wished to send one of his followers to Murari Pandit, to let him know how destitute the fort was of
provisions, and how hard it was pressed by the besiegers. He also wanted the Pandit to send wakils
to settle with him the terms of peace and the surrender of the fort. He, therefore, begged that the
explosion of the mine might be deferred for that day, so that there might be time for an answer to
come from Murari Pandit. Khan-khanan knew very well that there was no sincerity in his proposal
and that he only wanted to gain a day by artifice; so he replied that if Fath Khan wished to delay the
explosion for a day, he must immediately send out his son as a hostage.
When it had become evident that Fath Khan did not intend to send his son out, the mine was
exploded. A bastion and fifteen yards of the wall were blown up. The brave men who awaited the
explosion rushed forward, and heedless of the fire from all sorts of arms which fell upon them from
the top of the Maha-kot, they made their way in. The commander-in-chief now directed that Saiyid
Alawal and others who held the trenches on the outside of the ditch, opposite the Sher-Haji, should
go inside and bravely cast up trench in the interior, (Defeat of a demonstration made by Murari
Pandit. Surrender of the fort of Nabati near Galna).
