AT THE CLOSE OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY, KHANDESH WAS HELD by a chief styled the Raja of
Khandes who according to Ferishta possessed an army of 40,000 or 50,000 men. He was probably
the Cohan ruler of Asirgad who according to tradition came into Khandes from Golconda1. When in
1296, Alauddin, the nephew of the Delhi emperor suddenly appeared before the Yadava capital of
Devagiri, Ramacandra the Yadava ruler sent messages to the rajas, of Gulburga, Telangana, Malva
and Khandes to send him assistance and reinforcement. Ramacandra was, however, defeated and
forced to pay tribute. On his return march to Delhi Alauddin overran the powerful and extensive
Kingdoms of Malva, Gondvana and Khandes storming the fort of Asirgad on the way and destroying
all the members of the chiefs' family except one2. On July 20, 1296, Alauddin contrived the murder
of his uncle and ascended the throne of Delhi. It may be mentioned here that during Alauddin's
reign a campaign was led by Ubegh Khan against Gujarat. The Gujarat King, Vaghela Karna, was
defeated and his territory was overrun by the advancing army. Karna escaped and obtained refuge
at the court of the Yadava King Ramacandra. Perceiving, however, the danger that might befall his
host due to his stay at his court, he left Devagiri and rebuilt the town and fortress of Nandurbar
where he set himself up as a semi-independent ruler and vassal prince of the Raja of Devagiri3.
Karna had to give up these possessions too in the subsequent invasions from the north.
No Muslim invasion of the Deccan took place till 1307 when, Alauddin, on the refusal of
Ramacandra to pay tribute, appointed Malik Naib Kafur to lead an expedition to Devagiri. Malik
Kafur was instructed to punish the recalcitrant Raja and also to conquer the other Kings of the
South. The Yadava army was defeated. Ramacandra was, however, allowed to govern his territory
after paying a heavy ransom. This and the subsequent campaigns of the south are of particular
significance to the history of the Deccan because they brought practically the whole of the south
under the Delhi emperors. The Yadava Kingdom, in 1317 A. D. became part of the Sultanate of
Delhi. Devagiri became the Southern headquarters of the Delhi emperors. The absence of Malik
Naib in the Deccan unsettled the political climate in Delhi and Alauddin was forced to recall Malik
Naib.
1 Todds Annals, II, p. 411.
2 Central Provinces Gazetteer, pp. 9 and 377.
3 Cambridge History of India, III, pp. 112, 518.
236 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
THE DELHI SULTANATE.
This was a signal for the uprising of rebels in various parts of the kingdom. Devagiri revolted
under Harpaldeva, the son-in-law of Ramacandra. In the midst of these troubles, Alauddin died on 5
January, 1316. When Mubarak Sah, Alauddin's third son ultimately ascended the throne, he sent
Khusrav Khan to suppress the revolts. He marched to the Deccan, reestablished the suzerainty of
Delhi and returned to the capital. With his growing power, he aspired to the throne and
encompassed the murder of the king on April 15, 1320. Khusrav ascended the throne. Shortly after
he was put to death by Ghazi Tughluk, the Governor of Dipalpur, who ascended the throne under
the title of Ghiyasuddin Tughluk Sah on September 8, 1320. Ghiya suddin reasserted his
supremacy over the Deccan. His reign was, however, shortlived. He died in 1325 and was
succeeded by his son Ulugh Khan, under the title of Muhammad Sah. To Muhammad Sah goes the
credit of extending the Muslim Domination to the remote south by vanquishing the Raja of Kampili
and the Hoyasala Ballala, thus establishing his sway practically all over India. It was in 1326-27 that
Muhammad Sah transferred the capital from Delhi to Devagiri which was renamed Daulatabad. This
must have considerably enhanced the importance of the province of Khandes due to its close
proximity to the new capital. But all was not well in the edifice of the Delhi empire. It began to show
cracks, with rebellions taking place all over the empire. The resurgence of the Hindu chiefs which
led to the founding of the Kingdom of Vijayanagar in 1336 also contributed to the decline of the
empire. It may be mentioned here that Ibn Batutah a Muslim traveller visited India in the early 14th
century. While on his way to Cambay from Daulatabad he passed through Nandurbar which was
then in the province of Gujarat. He has the following to say about the city. "We continued on our
way to Nadhurbar (Nandurbar) a small town inhabited by the Marhatas, who possess great skill in
the arts and are physicians and astrologers. The nobles of the Marhatas are Brahmans and Katris
(Kstriyas). Their food consists of rice, vegetable and oil of sesame and they do not hold with giving
pain to or slaughtering animals. They wash themselves thoroughly before eating and do not marry
among their relatives unless those who are cousins are six times removed. Neither do they drink
wine, for, this, in their eyes is the greatest of vices."1 In 1345 the amirs of the Deccan rebelled and
the Sultan could not suppress the rebellion. Devagiri was besieged by the rebel nobles and finally
passed into the hands of Hasan Gangu, the founder of the Bahamani dynasty. Under Muhammad
Tughluk, Khandes was the sub-division of a subha in charge of an officer stationed at Ellicpur in
Berar. When the Deccan nobles had revolted, Imad-ul-Mulk, the governor of Berar and Khandes
abandoned his province and retired to Nandurbar. The Berar officers joined the revolt and with the
establishment of the independent Bahamani kingdom, no part of
1 Ibn Batutah, M. A. R. Gibbs p. 228.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 237
Khandes except Nandurbar and Sultanpur, remained under the Delhi Kings. The newly founded
Bahamani kingdom included in the west, Ahmadnagar, in the south, Nasik, and in the east, part of
Berar. Between these two points Bahamani rule does not seem to have passed north of the Tapi.
Along the Candor or Satmala hills there would seem to have been a line of independent chiefs of
Galna, Antur and Vairatgad. The east was under the powerful Asirgad chief and the west was in the
hands of the Raja of Baglana. The fact that subsequently Firoz Tughluk assigned the districts of
Thalner and Karanda on the Gujarat-Khandes border to Malik Raja Faruqi, the founder of the Faruqi
Dynasty shows that the Bahamani territory did not extend to Khandes. Khandes districts formed part
of the southern boundaries of the Tughluk empire.
MALIK RAJA.
This state of affairs continued till 1370 when Malik Raja1 a private horseman in the army of
Firoz Tughluk attracted the attention of the emperor. It appears that Malik Raja, had not participated
in the revolt of the Deccan nobles. He, however, opposed the newly founded Bahamani rule. During
the reign of Muhammad Sah, Bahram Khan Mazendarani, the governor of Daulatabad rebelled2.
Many chieftains of Berar and Baglana including Malik Raja joined the rebels. The rebels were,
however, defeated and forced to flee to Gujarat. Malik Raja established himself at Thalner. At this
time he seems to have directly entered the services of Firoz Tughluk3 His family claimed descent
from the Khaliph Umar Faruk. This is what Ferishta has to say about the descent of the Faruqi
family.
"Mullik Raja, the first Mahomedan ruler of Khandesh is descended from the Caliph Umar
Farook and traces his pedigree thus: Mallik Raja, the son of Khan Jahan, the son of Ally Khan, the
son of Oothman Khan, the son of Simeon Shah, the son of Ashab Shah, the son of Armian Shah,
the son of Ibrahim Shah of Bulkh, the son of Adhum Shah, the son of Ahmud Shah, the son of
Mahmood Shah, the son of Mahomed Shah, the son of Azim Shah, the son of Asghur, the son of
Mahmood Ahmud, the son of Imam Nasir Abdoolla, the son of Oomrool Farook, the Khaleefa, or
representative of the last of the prophets4. " His forefathers were among the most respectable
nobles of Alauddin Khilji and Muhammad Tughluk. The father of Malik Raja, Khan Jahan Faruqi,
was a minister in the court of the Khiljis. Firoz Tughluk, while on a hunting expedition in Gujarat, was
rendered timely help by Malik Raja and the emperor on learning him to be the son of Khan Jahan
resolved to promote him. At the very first durbar he made him an officer of two thousand horse.
Shortly afterwards he conferred on him
1 He was known as Raja Ahmad.
2 Haig-Turks and Afghans, III, p. 294.
3 Haig-Cambridge History of India, III. p. 294.
4 Ferishta, IV, p. 284.
238 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
the districts of Thalner and Karanda1. Thus was laid the foundation of a future dynasty which was to
rule over Khandes for over two hundred years.
In the year 1370 Malik Raja marched with a force to take possession of his assignment. At the
same time he reduced Bahirji, the Raja of Baglana and forced him to consent to the payment of an
annual tribute to the King of Delhi. He received from the Raja of Baglana five large and ten small
elephants, besides a quantity of pearls and jewels by way of tribute. On returning to his capital, he
covered the elephants with velvet housing, embroidered with gold and having laden several camels
with muslins and other manufactures of Khandes and also some pearls sent them as offering to the
Emperor. The Emperor Firoz remarked that this duty which the governor of Gujarat should have
performed long ago had been fulfilled by Malik Raja. In consequence the Emperor honoured Malik
Raja with the title of Sipah Salar-Commander-in-Chief of Khandes and raised him to the rank of
three thousand horse. In spite of the independent position held by Malik Raja, he and his
successors for a few generations abided by the title of Khan from which his state came to be known
as Khandes—"the country of Khans"2. Malik Raja acquired great power in a short time. In a few
years he could muster twelve thousand horse and levy contributions from the rays of Gondvana as
far as Gadh Mandla. Ferishta says that "such; was his fame that the Ray (Raja) of Jajnuggur
notwithstanding the distance, established a friendly intercourse with him."3
Before Malik Raja's time, the state of Khandes was in a very bad state. For years without any
regular government, it had lately been visited by a famine, so severe, that not more than two or
three thousand Bhils and Kolis survived. The only prosperous part of the district was near Asirgad,
where, Asa, a rich ahir or herdsman, was one of the principal landholders, Asa at this time had
many storehouses both in Gondvana and Khandes which his agents opened in order to sell the
corn. His wife who was of a charitable disposition, however, persuaded Asa to allow the grain to be
distributed to the poor and suffering, without payment. It was also with a view to employ many of the
sufferers as labourers that Asa levelled the old walls of Asir
1 The account given by Ayeen Akbery in this regard is very interesting. It says, "Formerly this
country was desolate except that a few people inhabited Asseer which was their place of worship
and called Aseotahma. It is said that Mullick Rajee, from whom Bahader was the ninth, in lineal
descent, through the versatility of fortune came from Bundur to this country and settled in the village
of Keerandeey, dependent upon Tahleenir. But being molested by the natives, he went to Dehli and
entered the service of Sultan Feeroz. As he was an expert huntsman, the king was pleased with him
and told him he should have anything he could wish for. Upon this he obtained a grant of the village
of Keerandeey. By his prudent management he peopled the deserted lands and brought them into
cultivation" (Gladwin p. 334.)
2 Ayeen Akbery says that Malik Raja sat on his throne at Thalner in Hijri 784 under the title of
Adil Shah and reigned for 17 years. (Gladwin p. 344.)
3 Briggs, IV, p. 282.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 239
and constructed a fort built of masonry. Asa also distributed food to the aged and decrepit who were
unable to perform manual labour.
When Malik Raja assumed authority all over Khandes, Asa, being of a peaceable and
unambitious disposition was the first of all the landholders to acknowledge fealty to him. He also
presented Malik Raja with many other things which he required on the establishment of his family.
Malik Raja soon realised that a strong fort like that of Asir, in the hands of a person of such
distinguished qualities as Asa, in the very heart of his dominion would be a danger to his
government. However, Malik Raja felt himself under too many obligations to Asa to wrest it by force
from him. He therefore desisted from any attack on Asa and thought it prudent to maintain a status
quo.
During the reign of Firoz Tughluk, Dilavar Khan Ghori was appointed the governor of Malva.
Dilavar Khan declared his independence when disorders prevailed at Delhi subsequent to the
invasion of Amir Timur. Both the families viz., the Faruqi and the Ghori were now matrimonially
connected. Dilavar Khan Ghori gave his daughter in marriage to Malik Nasir, the son of Malik Raja.
At this time great commotion prevailed in the bordering province of Gujarat where Farhat-ul-mulk,
the governor thought of declaring his independence. To suppress the revolt, Zafar Khan was sent by
Muhammad Tughluk as governor of Gujarat with the title of Muzaffar Khan. He succeeded in
defeating the recalcitrant governor. The invasion of Timur and the escape of Muhammad Tughluk to
Gujarat and his subsequent return to Delhi hastened the declaration of independence by Muzaffar
Khan who now assumed the title of Muzaffar Sah. Malik Raja, relying upon the support of Dilavar
Khan, invaded the territory of Gujarat and laid waste the districts of Sultanpur and Nandurbar.
Muzaffar Sah, was at that time engaged in an expedition to Somnath. On hearing of the invasion of
Malik Raja he turned his arms towards Khandes. By rapid marches he reached Sultanpur and
forced Malik Raja, to retreat towards Thalner where the latter took shelter. The fort of Thalner was
besieged by Muzaffar Sah. Though Muzaffar Sah was in a commanding position, he did not press
his advantage. He accepted the overtures made by Malik Raja for a negotiated settlement and
withdrew to his territory. During the remaining period of his rule Malik Raja confined his military
operations entirely to his own country and spent his time in promoting architecture and improving
agriculture. From the monastery at Daulatabad Malik was presented with a robe of Saikh Zain-uddin.
So long as the dynasty lasted, this robe was carefully handed from ruler to ruler. Before his
death Malik Raja sent for his two sons Malik Nasir and Malik Iftikar and invested the former with this
sacred robe and nominated him his successor. Of his two chief forts, he bequeathed Laline
240 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
to his elder son and Thalner to Malik Iftikar, the younger son. He died in 1399 and was buried in a
handsome tomb at the town of Thalner.
MALIK RAJA. MALIK NASIR.
Malik Raja was succeeded to the throne by his son Malik Nasir, also called Garib Khan. The
family rose to great fame and power during the reign of this monarch. Learned men were invited
from all parts of the country and arts and letters were patronised.
The first act of Malik Nasir after assuming power was the capture of Asirgad, held by Asa.
The Ahir Chief had, in spite of his wealth and the strength of his fort, acknowledged the supremacy
of Malik Raja, Malik Nasir's father. He had also rendered him help in many ways to establish his
power. Malik Nasir, on his accession to throne had also received many personal favours from Asa.
The father of Malik Nasir had realised the danger of such a principality thriving within the boundaries
of his Kingdom. He could not, however, precipitate an attack on Asa. Asa had not given him any
ground for an attack on Asir. Malik Nasir, however, decided upon seizing Asirgad and making it his
own capital. He, therefore, wrote to Asa complaining that he was in great straits as the Chiefs of
Baglana, Antur and Kherla were rising against him. Of these, two chiefs had collected large forces.
He also informed Asa that Thalner was in possession of his brother Iftikar and Lalihg, which was too
close to the enemy territories was not a safe place for retreat. He, requested Asa to afford his family
a safe retreat. The unsuspecting Asa willingly consented little knowing of the fatal consequences of
his act. Asa ordered suitable apartments to be fitted up for the reception of Malik Nasir's ladies.
Shortly after, several covered litters with women were brought into Asirgad and were visited by
Asa's wife and daughters. Next day another troop of 200 litters arrived reportedly occupied by the
wife, mother and the rest of Malik Nasir's family. Asa along with his sons went to receive them. To
his astonishment he found the litters full of armed soldiers who leapt up and murdered Asa and his
innocent sons in cold blood. Not a single male child in the family was left alive. The inhabitants of
the fort were so stunned by the ruthless massacre that they fled with their families from the fort. The
treacherous and cunning Malik Nasir, on learning of the success of his scheme, repaired from his
camp at Laling to the fort of Asir. He strengthened and fortified the fort and made it his
headquarers1. Shortly after this a disciple of Saikh Zain Uddin, the tutelary saint of the family came
to congratulate Malik Nasir on his success. On his
1 Ferishta, the noted historian, tries to minimise the gravity of the act by observing that " It is
however well authenticated fact that the property of Asa was never appropriated by any of the
Farooky dynasty to their own use; and all the money and jewels taken on this occasion fell into the
hands of Akbur Padshah, when he marched southwards and took the fortress of Aseer, two
centuries afterward." Such assumption is unbelievable and even if it be true cannot be a sufficient
recompense for the murderous villainy of Malik Nasir. (Briggs' IV, p. 290.)
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 241
advice, Malik Nasir built two cities on the Tapi, one on the east bank called Zainabad after the Saikh
and the other on the west bank called Burhanpur after Saikh Burhanuddin of Daulatabad. The latter
city became the capital of the Faruqi dynasty.
It will be recalled that Malik Raja, Malik Nasirs' father had be queathed the fort of Thalner and
the surrounding district to his younger son Malik Iftikar. Malik Nasir, after his success against Asa,
cast an avaricious eye on the fort of Thalner, the possession of which he regarded as essential for
the security of his territory. In 1417 he solicited the help of Sultan Hosang of Malva who was his
brother-in-law. The latter dispatched a force of 5,000 under the command of his son Ghizny Khan to
the assistance of Malik Nasir. The combined armies of Malik Nasir and Sultan Hosang laid siege to
the fort of Thalner. Malik Iftikar remonstrated with his brother and wrote in vain to Ahmad Sah of
Gujarat to send succour. However, the fort of Thalner fell after the siege had continued for some
time. Malik Iftikar was taken prisoner and kept in confinement in the fort of Asirgad. Malik Nasir was
flushed with this success. To forestall any attack from Ahmad Sah of Gujarat, Malik Nasir, led the
combined forces of Malva and Khandes and entering the dujarat territory, attacked Nandurbar and
invested the fort of Sultanpur. On hearing of this invasion Ahmad Sah of Gujarat marched with the
whole of his army to the south. He sent a considerable detachment under Malik Mahmud Turk in
advance to disperse the forces of Malik Nasir and Ghizny Khan. Malik Turk worsted the combined
forces of Khandes and Malva and forced them to flee the battle field. Ghizny Khan fled to Mandu,
while Malik Nasir retreated to Thalner. Thalner was closely besieged by Malik Turk. The siege
continued for some time. With no prospects of any succour, and having been reduced to extreme
distress, Malik Nasir made overture of peace to some of Ahmad Sah's ministers. He succeeded.
Ahmad Sah, accepted the presents which Malik Nasir sent to him. He further bestowed on Nasir a
white canopy and scarlet pavilion and honoured him with the title of Khan. Malik Nasir swore fealty
to Ahmad Sah and promised to abstain in future from aggression. Nasirs' brother Iftikar Hasan
retired to Gujarat where he found a home. His descendents intermarried with the royal house. It may
be noted here that the reluctance of the Sultan of Malva to help Malik Nasir during the siege of
Thalner estranged the relations between the two. Henceforward Malik Nasir, in spite of his
matrimonial connection with Sultan Hosang, never directly or indirectly helped that Sultan in all his
subsequent adventurous campaigns against the Sultans of Gujarat.
In 1429 Ahmad Sah Bahamani deputed his ambassador Azim Khan to Nasir Khan soliciting
the hand of his daughter in marriage for his son Alauddin. Apprehensive of the power of the
neighbouring Sultan of Gujarat, Nasir Khan received this
242 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
offer favourably and sent his daughter in great state with the ambassador to Ahmadabad Bidar. The
nuptials were celebrated with great magnificence. This union, however, only engendered strife.
Khandes, after a disastrous war with the powerful Bahamanis was to be driven into the arms of
Gujarat. In the meanwhile, the Raja Kanha, the Jhalavar King fled from Gujarat and took refuge with
Malik Nasir at Asir. He presented Nasir with some elephants and other valuables and requested him
to assist him in recovering his country from his Gujarati overlord. Nasir Khan who knew the power of
Ahmad Sah of Gujarat refused to be drawn in an immediate conflict with Gujarat. He advised the
Raja to seek the help of Ahmad Sah Bahamani. The Raja accordingly was sent to Bidar with a letter
from Nasir soliciting his help to the Raja. Ahmad Sah Bahamani put a small force at the disposal of
the Raja to recover his country. The detachment arrived at Nandurbar and laid waste the district.
Ahmad Sah of Gujarat sent a force to oppose the aggressors under the command of his son
Muhammad Khan, and Malik Mukarrib, an officer. Muhammad defeated the aggressors in the
engagement which took place near Sultanpur. A large number of Deccanies were killed. The
Bahamani forces retreated to Daulatabad and thence conveyed the news of the disaster to Bidar.
When the news reached Ahmad Sah Bahamani he assembled a force under his son Alauddin
commanded by Khan Jahan and Kuddas Khan at Daulatabad. They were joined by Malik Nasir.
Raja Kanha who had fled to Khandes also joined them. The combined army moved several
marches in the direction of the Gujarat army. It encountered the latter at the Manikpunj pass about
38 miles north-west of Daulatabad. An action ensued in which Kuddas Khan was killed and the
combined army fell back. They, however, rallied and, forming into a solid body, made a desperate
charge on the Gujarat army. They were, however, so steadily opposed that they fell back and were
completely routed. Alauddin fled towards Daulatabad. Malik Nasir and Raja Kanha took refuge in
the fort of Lalihg. The prince of Gujarat withdrew to Nandurbar, where he remained on the alert after
laying waste part of Khandes.
In 1435 when Ahmad Sah of Gujarat was engaged in hostilities with the Sultan of Malva,
Malik Nasir involved himself in hostilities with his son-in-law, Alauddin who had succeeded his
father, Ahmad Sah Bahamani. Malik Nasir's daughter Malika Jahan had been married to Alauddin
Bahamani. She complained to her father that she was being neglected by her husband for a
beautiful Hindu wife, the daughter of the Raja of Sangamner, entitled Paricahra (Fairy Face)1 To
avenge his daughter's wrong, Malik Nasir, invaded Berar with his own forces. He was supported by
many malcontent Deccani Chiefs. He had made private overtures to them promising them great
1 Briggs .II, p. 427.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 243
rewards if they would join his standard. A considerable force was also received from the Raja of
Gondvana. The Bahamani officers who had joined hands with Malik Nasir designed a plot to arrest
Khan Jahan, the governor of Berar. On receiving information of the plot Khan Jahan fled to the
fortress of Narnala. He wrote an account of the disaster, to Alauddin Sah Bahamani. In the
meanwhile Malik Nasir was advancing in Berar. He had his Khutba read on Fridays in the principal
mosques of the province as the king of Berar1
On receiving this serious news, Alauddin called a council of ministers and military chiefs. He
appointed Khalaf Hasan Malik-ut-tujjar to lead the campaign. Khalaf Hasan proceeded with a well
equipped army of 7,000 Arabs. He entered Berar. He was joined by Khan Jahan at Mehkar. Khan
Jahan was dispatched to Ellicpur to ward off any attack from tbe Raja of Gondvana. Khalaf Hasan
himself moved with the main body towards Rohankheda Ghat where Malik Nasir had his camp. At
the foot of the Ghat an encounter took place between a detachment of Malik Nasir's forces and the
Bahamanl troops. The Khandes troops were defeated with great slaughter. Malik Nasir retreated
from the field and fell back on Burhanpur. He was very closely pursued by Malik-ut-tujjar, up to the
gates of Burhanpur. Nasir Khan, then fled to Laling. Malik-ut-tujjar sacked the city of Burhanpur and
levied heavy contributions from its citizens. He proceeded to lay waste the province of Khandes. At
this time he received the news that the army of Malva had joined hands with the Gujarat forces at
Nandurbar and Sultanpur to help Nasir Khan. Malik-ul-tujjar decided to attack Malik Nasir before
reinforcements could reach the latter. He moved on to Laling by forced marches with a select body
of four thousand troops. Nasir Khan had a force of over 12,000 with him. Underestimating the real
strength of the Bahamani army, he issued out of the fort and gave battle. He was, however,
completely defeated. Many of his principal officers, together with the rebel chiefs of Berar were slain
in the battle. Malik-ut-tujjar returned to Bidar with a haul of seventy elephants and a large booty 1.
Malik Nasir, frustrated and overcome with anxiety and grief, died a few days after. He was buried at
Thalner. Adil Khan, who was also the nephew of Sultan Hosang of Malva, succeeded His father as
the ruler of Khandes.
MIRAN ADIL.
In spite of the reverses which Malik Nasir suffered, he was able to strengthen the position of
his house and kingdom. Without taking into consideration his matrimonial relationship with the
Bahamanis, he wisely acknowledged the suzerainty of the Sultans of Gujarat. This step was to save
his successors on several occasions.
1 Bahamanis of the Deccan—H. K. Shervani p. 234.
2 Brings, It, p. 430. The account given by Sayyad Ali Tabataba does not substantially differ
from that given by Ferishta. See Bahamani Gharanyacha Itihas, pp. 95-96.
244 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
MIRAN ADIL.
After Miran Adil assumed Kingship, he wrote pressing letters to the Sultans of Gujarat and
Malva to come to his succour. Shortly after, the Gujarat army arrived at Sultanpur. Malik-ut-tujjar
was forced to raise the siege of Laling and retire to the Deccan. Miran Adil Khan reigned
subsequently for three years till 1441. According to Ferishta he suffered Martyrdom1 at Burhanpur.
MIRAN MUBARAK.
He was buried at Thalner by the side of his father. Miran Adil Khan was succeeded by his son
Miran Mubarak. He reigned for a period of sixteen years without undertaking any foreign conquest
or drawing upon himself the hostility of his neighbours. However, he led two campaigns against the
Raja of Baglana. This brought him into conflict with Mahmud Khilji of Malva.
It may be mentioned here that after the death of Muhammad Sah II of Gujarat in February
1451, Mahmud Khiljl of Malva resolved to seize the opportunity of conquering Gujarat. He
assembled a strong army and invaded Nandurbar. The commander of the fortress of Nandurbar,
Alauddin Suhrab made no attempt to hold the fort against such a force. He surrendered it to
Mahmud Khiljl who then advanced to Baroda. He was, however, ultimately defeated and had to flee
to his own territory. After a few years Mahmud led a desultory was against the Bahamanis. On being
forced by a superior army he beat a hasty retreat. Soon after his return, Mahmud Sah was
approached by his vassal, the Raja of Baglana whose territory had been invaded by Mubarak Khan
Faruqi of Khandes. Mahmud sent an army to help the Raja. Mubarak was completely defeated and
fled after suffering heavy losses. Mubarak again attacked the Raja of Baglana next year. However,
on hearing of the approach of the Malva army to the help of the Raja, Mubarak had to retreat to his
country without risking a battle.
ADIL KHAN II.
Miran Mubarak Khan Faruqi died on June 5, 1457. He was succeeded by Adil Khan II. Adil
Khan had a very long and fruitful reign of 46 years. Ferishta remarks that under his government, the
province of Khandes attained a degree of prosperity which it had never known under any of its
former rulers2. He was one of the most powerful and energetic rulers of Khandes. He spread his
power over the neighbouring chiefs of Gondvana and Gadha Mandala whose rajas acknowledged
fealty to him. He suppressed the depredations of the Kolis and Bhils, thus ensuring safety to the
travellers in his dominion. He further carried his conquest as far as Jharkhand, the modern Chota
Nagpur and assumed in consequence of these circumstances, the title of Sah-i-Jharkhand (King of
the forest region). Adil Khan strengthened Asirgad, by fortifying the strong outwork of Malaigad built
the citadel of Burhanpur and raised many magnificent build ings in that town. It was during his reign
that in 1462, Mahmud Sah Begada, the Sultan of Gujarat, received a call for help from
1 Briggs, IV, p. 296. The expression implies assassination.
2 Briggs, IV, p. 298.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 245
the infant Bahamani ruler Nizam Sah. The latter had been attacked by Mahmud Khilji of Malva.
Mahmud Begada marched to Nandurbar and thence eastward into Khandes. He forced the
Malwese army to retire to its own country in utter confusion. During the reign of Muhammad Sah
Bahamani III, Adil Khan II of Khandes paid a complimentary visit to the former and was accorded a
royal reception at Bidar. There is evidence to show that Bahamani coins were current in Khandes
and the Bahamani Sultan was mentioned in the Friday prayers in Khandes. When Adil Khan was in
the Bahamani capital the city was given to pleasure and rejoicing and no stone was left unturned to
make the visit of Adil Khan a grand success1. Perhaps this new relationship between the Bahamani
Sultan and the Sultan of Khandes which developed and was built up over a period of time
encouraged Adil Khan to severe his relations with the Sultan of Gujarat. Adil Khan openly declared
that he owed no allegiance to the Sultan of Gujarat. He withheld the payment of the usual tribute to
the Sultans of Gujarat. This brought upon him the invasion of Mahmud Sah Begada. Mahmud Sah
ordered his army into Khandes and directed that it should not return till the arrears of the tribute had
been paid. This event took place in 1498. The Gujarat army led by Sultan Begada moved into
Khandes. The Khandes army retreated within the walls of Thalner and Asir. Both the places were
invested by the forces of Mahmud Begada. Adil Khan, unable to cope up with the superior strength
of the Gujarat forces, agreed to pay arrears of tribute. The Gujarat forces then retired to their
kingdom2
. After this Adil Khan maintained cordial relations with the Sultans of Gujarat whose court
he visited3. Adil Khan died in 1503 A. D. He was buried, at his request, near the palace of
Daulat Maidan (Royal Grounds) in Burhanpur4
1 Bahamanis of the Deccan, p. 330.
2 In this connection Ferishta says, "Some historians state that Mahmood Shah marched in
person against Adil Khan, and having arrived on the river Tapti, received his submission there, "
(Briggs, IV, p. 73.)
A very interesting account of the campaign of Mahmud Bagada is given by Ferishta in his
history of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar. He says that "when Mahmud arrived with his army at
Sultanpur, Adil Khan requested the aid of Imad-ul-Mulk and Ahmad Nizam Shah to oppose Mahmud
Bagada. Ahmad Nizam Shah was at this time investing Daulatabad. He raised the siege and
marched with 15,000 troops to Burhanpur where the allies camped. The allies brought about the
defeat of the Gujarat forces by employing a stratagem of doping an elephant in the Gujarat army
and by creating confusion in it thereby. Ferishta concludes by saying that the "Guzerat historians
have omitted to mention this defeat, desirous, perhaps, to conceal this blot on the fame of Mahmood
Shah Begurra, so that god only knows whether it be true or false." Briggs, III, p. 203.
3 Cambridge History of India, III, p. 313.
Briggs, IV, p. 299. It may be mentioned here that Khandesh did not remain unaffected by the
upheavals that were rocking the Bahamani Kingdom. After the death of Mahmud Gawan the prime
minister of the Bahamani Sultans the rivalry between the Deccanis and the foreigners erupted again
and hundreds were killed on both sides in the streets of Bidar, the Bahamani capital. When peace
was restored Malik Naib, Qasim Barid and Imad-ul-Mulk administered the city and kept the young
king Mahmud Shah under subjugation. Dilawar Khan, the African, resenting his exclusion from the
highest office, attempted, in obedience to the secret orders of
246 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
DAUD KHAN.
Adil Khan had left no male issue. The Kingship of Khandes devolved on his younger brother
Daud. It will be recalled here that Malik Nasir had expelled his younger brother Iftikar Hasan, to
Gujarat where he and his descendants were given protection by the Sultans of Gujarat. Adil Khan,
the great great grandson of Malik Hasan was now enjoying the protection of Mahmud Begada. He
was, incidently, Begada's grandson too. Most of Malik Hasan's descendants had married princesses
of the royal house of Gujarat. Mahmud Begada had induced Adil Khan shortly before the latter's
death to nominate his grandson Adil Khan as heir apparent. Mahmud Sah, however, could not press
the claim at that time and Daud succeeded to the throne of Khandes without opposition. He was a
feeble but reckless prince. He fell under the influence of two scheming brothers, Husain Ali and Yar
Ali. He appointed the former as his Vazir and gave him the title of Hisamuddin. At the instigation of
his new yazir he declared his intention of attacking some of the frontier towns of the Ahmadnagar
Kingdom. It may be mentioned here that after the murder of Mahmud Gavan, the Bahamani prime
minister, that Kingdom had disintegrated and provincial governors had assumed independence.
Malik Ahmad of Ahmadnagar was the first to assume the royal title. He was followed by Yusuf Adil
of Bijapur and Fatehullah Imad-ul-mulk of Berar. Ahmad Nizam Sah, anticipating the movement of
Daud Khan, marched an army into Khandes. Unable to face Ahmad Nizam Sah, Daud Khan retired
into the fort of Asir and appealed to the Sultan of Malva, Nasiruddin, for help. A force was sent by
Nasiruddin under Ikbal Khan to assist Daud Khan. Malik Ahmad, unwilling to embroil himself in a
fresh dispute with the Sultan of Malva, retreated to his own territory. Daud Khan had, however, to
pay a price for inviting the assistance of the Sultan of Malva. Ikbal Khan did not withdraw on hearing
of the retreat of Malik Ahmad. He advanced up to Burhanpur and forced Daud Khan to agree to the
Khutba to be recited in the name of Nasiruddin. Ikbal Khan retired to Mandu after taking a tribute of
two elephants and sundry articles of value from Daud Khan1. The inglorious rule of Daud
contd.
the young king who chafed under the restraint to which he was subjected, to assassinate the
ministers. He, however, failed and was in his attempt obliged to flee to Khandesh to the asylum of
Adil Khan Faruqi.
Subsequently when Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Berar declared their independence, Qasim
Barid became supreme and seized power in Bidar. Dilawar Khan, with the support of Adil Khan of
Khandesh, returned to help the king. He defeated Qasim Barid but was killed accidently while in
pursuit of Qasim Barid, who now emerged victorious.
1 Some historians say that the attack of Ahmad Nizam on the kingdom of Khandesh was not
the result of the proposed aggression of Daud Khan against the Ahmadnagar territory alone but the
invitation Ahmad Nizam Shah had received from a nobleman of the Court of Khandesh who plotted
to depose Daud Khan and put Alam Khan on the throne. Sayyad Ali gives a fictitious account of this
episode stating that after the death of Adil Khan, Mahmud Shah ascended the throne of, Khandesh.
Feeling in sulted on the assumption of his name by the Sultan of Khandesh, Mahmud Bagada
attacked Khandesh, beinginvited at the same time by the brother of Mahmud Shah. Sayyad Ali then
states, like Ferishta, how Ahmad Shah by a stratagem wrought defeatupon Mahmud Bagada of
Gujarat who returned to his dominion
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 247
Khan ended on 28th August 1508, after eight years. It may be mentioned here that after the death
of Qasim Barid in 1504, Amir Ali Barid, Ahmad Nizam Sah and Qutb-ul-mulk conspired against
Yusuf Adil Sah whom they regarded as a Siah heretic. Yusuf was unable to withstand the
confederacy arrayed against him and fled to Berar. Imad-ul-mulk could not protect him against his
enemies. He advised him to retire to Khandes and take asylum with Daud Khan. From Khandes,
Yusuf sowed dissension among his enemies. He succeeded in bringing Ahmad Sah and Qutb-ulmulk
to his side. He then left Khandes to attack Ali Band with the help of Imad-ul-mulk, defeating Ali
Barid at Kalam in Berar.
GHAZNI KHAN.
Daud Khan's son Ghazni Khan was placed on the throne by Malik Hisamuddin and other
officers of the Kingdom. Ghazni Khan was, however, poisoned by Hisamuddin after a reign of only
ten days. There was now no male heir to the throne residing in Khandes. The nobles of the court
therefore decided to raise to the throne one Alam Khan, a scion of the Faruqi family then residing at
Ahmadnagar. Ahmad Nizam Sah and Imad-ul-mulk of Berar decided to support and acknowledge
Alam Khan as the king of Khandes and, invaded Khandes. Mahmud Begada, however, decided to
dispute the claim of Alam Khan. He upheld the claim of Adil Khan, the son of Hasan and grandson
of Malik Nasir by the daughter of Mahmud Sah, who was then residing at Thalner and had begged
Mahmud Sah for his support, to capture the government of his ancestor. Mahmud Sah, with his
forces, marched towards Asir and halted at the town of Cikhali. Khandes was thus divided into two
factions, one supporting the Gujarat claimant and the other, the Ahmadnagar claimant. When Malik
Ahmad and Imad-ul-mulk heard of the arrival of Mahmud Sah at Thalner they decided to leave four
thousand cavalry each to assist Alam Khan. They themselves retired to Gavilgad. Perceiving
themselves unable to resist, the Khandes officers dispersed. Hisamuddin joined hands with the king
of Gujarat. The troops left to support Alam Khan soon deserted him, thus forcing Alam Khan to flee
from Burhanpur and again seek the protection of Ahmad Nizam Sah.
ADIL KHAN III.
In the meanwhile Malik Larun, an officer in charge of Asir, who had refused to acknowledge
allegiance to either of the contestants, submitted to Mahmud Sah of Gujarat. With the opposition
thus liquidated Mahmud Sah of Gujarat held a court at Thalner and installed Adil Khan III to the
throne of Khandes with the title of Azim Humayun. He cemented the alliance between the two
kingdoms by giving his grand daughter1 in marriage to Adil Khan III and presenting him a sum of Rs.
2,00,000.
contd.
defeated and humiliated and for which the Sultan of Khandesh ever remained grateful to Ahmad
Nizam Shah. This account is purely fictitious because no one ascended the throne of Khandesh by
the name of Mahmud Shah. (Ahmadnagarchi Nizam Shahi pp. 32—34).
1 Daughter of Muzaffar Shah who later succeeded his father Mahmud Shah Begada.
248 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
On assumption of power, Adil Khan bestowed upon Malik Larun the title of Khan Jahan and
the Jagir of Ahulas. Hisamuddin was given the title of Ser Yar Khan, and the town of Danwar as his
fief. He was placed in charge of Thalner. Adil Khan now removed his family and property from
Thalner to Burhanpur and Hisamuddin proceeded to Thalner. Adil Khan had some trouble with this
noble. He suspected his loyalty. Hisamuddin and Ahmad Nizam Sah seem to have plotted to place
Alam Khan on the throne. Adil Khan ordered Hisamuddin to the court. Not suspecting any foul play,
Hisamuddin visited Adil Khan in the audience hall. No sooner had he left the hall than he was
murdered by the king's servants. They had received previous instructions to that effect. The officers
of Hisamuddin were attacked and cut down by Malik Burhan, an officer of the Sultan of Gujarat. This
vigorous but sanguinary measure restored to the king the whole of the Thalner district, which formed
nearly half of his territory. It also removed an ambitious and powerful rival. Subsequently Adil Khan
visited the fort of Asir. He discovered that Ser Khan and Saif Khan, the two Gujarat nobles, whom
he had left in charge of Asir were intriguing, with Ahmad Nizam Sah. Nizam Sah had actually arrived
with Alam Khan on the frontiers of the Kingdom. Adil Khan, thereupon, sent urgent messages to
Muzaffar Sah of Gujarat, who had succeeded Mahmud Sah Begada, to send a force to his
assistance. Muzaffar sent eight lac rupees to Adil Khan to enable him to raise an army. A large force
under Dilavar Khan and Safdar Khan was also sent to his aid. Muzaffar Sah informed the
ambassador of Ahmad Sah at his court, of his determination to support the lineal descendant of the
House of Faruq even at the risk of his crown.
Ahmad Nizam Sah, too weak to face such a formidable adversary, thought it prudent to
retreat. Adil Khan employed the forces sent by the Sultan of Gujarat to help him in levying tribute
from the Raja of Baglana, a vassal of the Sultan of Ahmadnagar. He realised a large sum of money
from Baglana. The Gujarat forces then returned to their country. In the year 1517 A. D. Adil Khan
accompanied his father-in-law, Muzaffar Sah, in a campaign in Malva where the Rajputs under
Maharana Sanga and Medini Rai, had deposed Sultan Mahmud II of Malva. Adil Khan, along with
Kivam-ul-mulk, first marched against Maharana Sanga of Citod while Muzaffar marched against
Mandu. After the fall of Mandu, Adil Khan, with a small body of light cavalry, went in pursuit of Rana
Sanga again. The latter had retreated to Citod. However, Rana Sanga and Medini Rai, regrouped
their forces shortly and inflicted a crushing defeat upon Mahmud II of Malval and the Gujarat
contingent of 10,000 horse led by Adil Khan and Kivam-ul-mulk. Muzaffar Sah sent further
reinforcements. Their services were, however, not required as the great Maharana Sanga had
already restored Mahmud to the throne of Malva. Adil Khan then returned to Khandes. The rest of
the reign of Adil Khan is
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 249
undistinguished and is not marked by any noteworthy event. In the-year 1520, Adil Khan fell
dangerously ill and died at Burhan-pur after a reign of 19 years. He was succeeded by his eldest
son Miran Muhammad whose mother was the daughter of Muzaffar Sah and sister of Bahadur Sah
of Gujarat.
MIRAN MUHAMMAD.
At the time of the accession of Miran Muhammad, Imad Sah of Berar and Burhan Nizam Sah
of Ahmadnagar were embroiled in a war with each other. Imad Sah was defeated and took refuge
with Miran Muhammad of Khandes. Miran Muhammad and Imad Sah wrote to Bahadur Sah of
Gujarat seeking his mediation, in the dispute with Burhan Nizam Sah. Bahadur Sah agreed and sent
Ain-ul-mulk, his ambassador, to mediate a peace. Burhan agreed to a temporary truce. However, on
the return of Ain-ul-mulk to Gujarat, he overran the territory of Berar by attacking Mahur and other
places. Imad Sah now formed an alliance with Miran Muhammad who marched with all his army and
elephants to the aid of Imad-ul-mulk. In a desultory action Imad-ul-mulk defeated a contingent of
Burhan Nizam Sah and gave himself to plunder. Burhan Nizam Sah rallied and with a body of three
thousand cavalry attacked the allied army. He completely routed both Imad Sah and Miran
Muhammad. The allies lost several of their elephants. A considerable number from their army were
slain on the battlefield. Miran Muhammad fled towards Asir. Imad Sah fled towards Gavilgad. Miran
Muhammad entreated Bahadur Sah of Gujarat to send assistance1 in his fight against Burhan
Nizam Sah. Bahadur Sah decided to march in person. He arrived at Nandurbar where he was met
by Miran Muhammad and the Raja of Baglana. Bahadur gave his sister in marriage to Miran
Muhammad and bestowed upon him the title of Sah. After the rainy season of 1528 Bahadur Sab
marched towards the Kingdom of Ahmadnagar by way of Berar. On the way he was joined by Imad
Sah. Bahadur advanced through Berar. He asked Imad Sah to dismiss his officers and appoint his
nominees in their place. This threat put Imad Sah in a quandary. He therefore pleaded with Bahadur
Sah, on the advice of Miran Muhammad, to march towards Ahmadnagar. Bahadur accepted this
advice and occupied Ahmadnagar. He was accompanied by the Berar and Khandes
1 After the death of Muzaffar Shah a war of succession ensued between his sons Sikandar,
Latif and Bahadur. The town of Nandurbar wasa scene of great activity during this great turmoil in
Gujarat. Imad-ul-mulk, a nobleman of Gujarat court raised Sikandar to the throne whereas Latif
started collecting army at Nandurbar. When a force was sent against him he retreated from
Nandurbar and fled to Baglana but subsequently returned to Gujarat. In the meanwhile, Sikandar
Was assassinated by Imad-ul-mulk Khush Kadam and his infant son was raised to the throne under
the title of Mahmud II. Prince Bahadur was returning to Gujarat from the north at the express
invitation of the principal nobles of the Gujarat who detested thebehaviour of Imad-ul-mulk. Imad-ulmulk
now wrote to Burhan Nizam Shah to invade Nandurbar sending him monetary gifts. Burhan
accepted the gifts but did nothing in return. Bahadur Shah now reached the territory of Gujarat and
entered Champaner. Imad-ul-mulk was unable to oppose him. Latif Khan who was lurking in the
town fled to Nandurbar and was joined by a number of partisans. Ghazi Khan who was upholding
Bahadur's cause in the Nandurbar district defeated Latif and made him prisoner. Latif died on his
way to capital where he was being sent at the orders of Bahadur Shah.
250 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
troops. The Ahmadnagar army was active in cutting off the supplies of the invaders. Bahadur now
turned towards the fort of Daulatabad which he invested. Here he was attacked by Burhan Nizam.
Burhan tried to seduce Imad-ul-mulk. The latter had grown suspicious about the intentions of
Bahadur Sah. Burhan succeeded in his plan. Bahadur Sah now realised his difficult position. One of
his allies was deserting him. Miran Muhammad desired peace. Bahadur therefore permitted Miran
Muhammad to carry negotiations for peace and agreed on terms sufficiently humiliating to Burhan
Nizam Sah. Burhan agreed to recite the Khutba in the name of Bahadur Sah and return the
elephants of the allies captured in the battle. It was with great difficulty that Miran Muhammad
succeeded in recovering his elephants from Burhan Nizam Sah. With the treaty thus concluded,
Bahadur Sah, Miran Muhammad and Imad-ul-mulk returned to their respective dominions.
In 1532 disputes arose between Bahadur Sah of Gujarat and Mahmud Sah of Malva. The
former decided to settle the issue by recourse to arms. He advanced towards Mandu. He was
accompanied by Miran Muhammad Sah of Khandes. Mandu was captured and the whole of Malva
was annexed to Gujarat. Bahadur Sah returned to Gujarat. On his way fie was entertained by Miran
Muhammad Sah at Burhanpur. Burhan Nizam Sah, alarmed at the conquest of Malva, sent Sah
Tahir and Narsu Pandit to Burhanpur. He requested Miran Muhammad Sah to intercede on his
behalf with Bahadur Sah to reconcile some differences which existed between him and the Sultan of
Gujarat. On the advice of Miran Muhammad Sah, Bahadur Sab. agreed to the proposal. The
meeting between the two took place at Burhanpur in the presence of Miran Muhammad Sah.
Bahadur gratified Burhan's vanity by recognising his title of Sah.
In 1532, Bahadur Sah of Gujarat, on learning of the disloyalty of Rajput Silahdi, a vassal of
the Sultans of Malva, marched to Malva. He dispatched a force under Miran Muhammad Sah and
Imad-ul-mulk Malikji against Silahdi. Miran Muhammad Sah established Bahadur's authority over
the outlying districts of Malva and met Bahadur Sah at Sarangpur. Bahadur Sah, then returned to
Champaner and Miran Muhammad went to Khandes. After the rainy season of 1532 Miran
Muhammad again joined Bahadur. They proceeded to Citod which was captured. Both the Kings
then retired to their respective kingdoms. They returned to Malva again in 1534. Bahadur Sah now
became estranged from Humayun. The Moghal emperor attacked him. Bahadur Sah could do
nothing against the skilled Moghal archers and had to beat a hasty retreat to Gujarat with Miran
Muhammad Sah and his other officers in Malva. He was hotly pursued by Humayun who occupied
the whole of Gujarat and marched into Khandes. Muhammad Sah begged Humayun to spare his
small kingdom the horrors of an invasion. At the same time, he wrote to the Sultanates of the
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 251
Deccan to unite, against Humayun in defence of the Deccan. But Humayun's affairs were confined
to a military promenade through Khandes whence he returned to Mandu1. The sudden eruption of
Ser Sah from Bengal into Delhi territory obliged him to return hastily to Agra. Bahadur closely
followed the retreating Moghals and re-established his hold on Gujarat. Bahadur then requested
Miran Muhammad Sah to invade Malva and drive away the Moghal Officers who had been stationed
there. Miran Muhammad Sah, in concert with Mallu Khan, the Gujarat Governor of Malva, took
possession of Mandu. Here he heard of the death of Bahadur Sah. He himself was chosen to
succeed the vacant throne of Gujarat by the mother of Bahadur Sah and the nobles of Gujarat2. He
was formally crowned at Mandu. His reign as Sultan Muhammad II was, however, short-lived. On
his journey to Ahmadabad he was taken ill and died in May 1535. He lies buried at Burhanpur in
the vault of his father Adil Khan.
MIRAN MUBARAK
Miran Muhammad, Sah was succeeded by his brother Miran Mubarak Khan3. He immediately
brought upon himself an, invasion from Gujarat. The late king Miran Muhammad had brought up
Mahmud Khan, the son of Latif Khan, the rebel brother of the late Sultan Bahadur Sah of Gujarat.
The Gujarat nobles decided to put Mahmud Khan on the throne of Gujarat. Miran Mubarak hoped to
receive a summons to the throne of Gujarat. Seeing the circumstances taking a turn contrary to his
wishes, he refused to surrender Mahmud Khan, the declared heir to the throne of Gujarat. The
Gujarat army under Ikhtiyar Khan invaded Khandes. They forced Miran Mubarak to surrender
Mahmud Khan. He was taken to Gujarat and crowned king. Differences soon developed between
Ikhtiyar Khan who had now become regent and Imad-ul-mulk Malikji, another prominent noble of the
kingdom. These led to the assassination of the former. Another noble Darya Khan now came into
prominence. A rift developed between Imad-ul-mulk and Darya Khan leading to an open clash.
Imad-ul-mulk was defeated and driven into Khandes. He was hospitably received by Miran Mubarak
who encouraged him to collect a body of 12,000 troops. Both of them then marched to meet Darya
Khan, their ostensible object being, to secure the throne for Mubarak Sah. Darya Khan, in the
meanwhile, along with Mahmud Sah followed Imad-ul-mulk. A battle was fought at Dangri, near Tapi
in which the Khandes troops were defeated. Mubarak fled to Asir and Imad-ul-mulk went away to
Malva. Darya Khan, following up his success, plundered and laid waste the country of Khandesh.
He compelled Mubarak to pay a heavy indemnity. A
1 Haig.III.p. 333.
2 Sultan Bahadur Shah had during his lifetime indicated to the assembled nobles this his
sisters son Miran Muhammad Shah, ruler of Khandesh, should succeed him to the throne of
Gujarat.
3 The nobles of Khandesh raised Raja, the son of Miran Muhammad Shah to the othrne but
Miran Mubarak deposed him and assumed royalty. Ayeen Akbery p. 345.
252 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
treaty was concluded. Miran Mubarak paid a visit to Mahmud Sah. accompanied by his respectable
nobles. Darya Khan and Mahmud Sah then returned to Gujarat1. It may be recalled here that after
the annexation of Malva by Humayun and later, with the occupation of the Delhi throne by Ser Sah,
Sujat Khan had been appointed governor of Malva. Later, when Humayun recovered his throne,
Sujat Khan refused to acknowledge him as his sovereign. After his death his son Baz Bahadur
assumed royal titles. When Akbar ascended the throne he invaded Malva and forced Baz Bahadur
to flee. Baz Bahadur sought protection with Miran Mubarak Sah of Khandes". Pir Muhammad Khan,
the Moghal General, pursued him to the very centre of Khandes, and devastated the country. He
sacked the city of Burhanpur, dishonoured the females and committed enormities unfit to relate3.
Miran Mubarak Sah therefore wrote to Tufal Khan of Berar, who had become all powerful by
usurping authority from Imad Sah of Berar, to assist him in this moment of crisis. Tufal Khan
responded to the entreaty of Miran Mubarak Sah and marched with all his forces to Khandes. Pir
Muhammad Khan who was withdrawing with all his booty and spoils without order and discipline,
was surprised by the allied forces on the banks of Narmada. He was defeated and put to flight with
heavy losses. The allies marched right up to Mandu and reinstated Baz Bahadur oh the throne.
They then returned to their respective territories. Miran Mubarak Sah did not survive for long after
this. He died in December 1566 after a reign of thirty-two years.
MIRAN MUHAMMAD KHAN.
Miran Mubarak was succeeded by his son Miran Muhammad Khan. Immediately on his
accession he had to face an attack from Gujarat. Gujarat was troubled by the warring nobles who
had practically divided the country among themselves. Itimad Khan was the regent in Gujarat to
whom a demand was made by Cangiz Khan, a fief holder, for additional territory to support
1 It was at this time that Miran Mubarak acquired for himself the districts of Sultanpur and
Nandurbar. Mahmud Shah when in confinement in Asir (under Miran Muhammad Shah) had
promised that if ever he succeeded to the government of Gujarat he would give the districts to Miran
Mubarak. Upon this Occasion he fulfilled the promise. Briggs, IV, p. 315.
The account given by Commissariat based on Mirat-i-Sikandari is as under:
"Twice during this reign, Sultan Mubarak Shah, ruler of Khandesh who was closely related by
blood to the Gujarat dynasty and who resented the fact that the nobles of that Kingdom had not only
passed over his claims to the succession in favour of boy-rulers like Mahmud III and Ahmad III but
had also partitioned the country among themselves, led his army to the Gujarat frontier in order to
take advantage of the distracted conditions of that country. On the first occasion he was induced to
abandon his designs upon the pious remonstrances of Saiyid Mubarak. But the second invasion
was instigated by Itimad Khan himself who had taken refuge at the court of Burhanpur when he
found his power at Ahmadabad temporarily eclipsed. This time the invader could only be bought off
by the surrender of the districts of Sultanpur and Nandurbar which were thus alienated from the
Gujarat Sultanate in this unhappy reign" I, p. 549. The version of this episode given by Mirat-i-
Sikandari appears to be correct because a victorious Mahmud Shah would never have agreed to
the cession of these two districts to Miran Mubarak as narrated by Ferishta.
3 Briggs IV, p. 315.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 253
his troops. Itimad Khan advised Cangiz Khan to recover the district of Nandurbar which formerly
formed part of Gujarat but was now held by the Sultan of Khandes. Cangiz Khan fell for the bait,
invaded and occupied Nandurbar. He forced the Khandes army to retreat and advanced towards
Thalner. Miran Muhammad wrote pressing letters to Tufal Khan to send assistance to fight this
aggression from Gujarat. Tufal Khan responded favourably. On arrival of the Berar troops both the
armies marched to the western frontier. On their arrival at Thalner they found Cangiz Khan strongly
posted with ravines on his flanks and his artillery and carriages of all descriptions forming a barrier
in his front. Miran Muhammad avoided an attack during daylight. He reconnoitred Cangiz Khan's
position and made every effort to induce him to quit his position. However, at night time, Cangiz
Khan fled to Broach, leaving all his army and artillery in the hands of the combined forces.
Nandurbar was immediately retaken and Miran Muhammad occupied the territory vacated by
Cangiz Khan. The affairs in Gujarat had not improved much and many noblemen even refused to
acknowledge the right of Muzaffar Sah to the throne. Miran Muhammad thought it a splendid
opportunity to stake his claim to the throne of Gujarat. He expected to get support from this faction
of the nobility. He, therefore, collected a force of 30,000 horse and marched to Ahmadabad. Cangiz
Khan, who had emerged successful in the power struggle in Gujarat, on hearing of the attack of
Miran Muhammad, collected a force of 7,000 and assisted by the Mirzas, the cousins of Emperor
Akbar opposed Miran Muhammad and inflicted a crushing defeat upon him. Miran Muhammad
retreated to Asir, leaving behind, his elephants, artillery and all the royal equipage which the rulers
of Khandes possessed1. The Mirzas had now become a nuisance. Not only did they carry out
depredatory activities in Gujarat but they extended their arms to Khandes as well. They invaded
Khandes. Before Miran Muhammad could collect an army sufficient to oppose them, they laid waste
and levied contributions in several districts. They then quitted the province2 in 1572. This coincided
with the annexation of Gujarat by Emperor Akbar in the same year.
Shortly after this, Khandes was engaged in conflict with Murtaza Nizam Sah of Ahmadnagar
who had invaded Berar Tufal Khan of Berar had imprisoned Burhan Imad Sah and had usurped all
power. Tufal Khan was defeated and fled to Khandes to seek protection from Miran Muhammad
Sab. He, however, refused to give him asylum, fearing revenge from Murtaza Nizam Sah. Ultimately
Tufal Khan was captured and the whole of Berar was annexed to Ahmadnagar. The northward
expansion of Ahmadnagar roused the suspicions of Miran Muhammad Sah and also of Ibrahim
Qutb Sah of Golconda. A revolt in
1 Briggs, IV, p. 318.
2 Briggs, IV, p. 319.
254 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
Berar encouraged Miran Muhammad Sah to intervene. He sent an army of 3,000 horse and seven
to eight thousand infantry under the command of his minister Zainuddin1 to Berar. It was in support
of the cause of a pretender, probably a scion of the Imadsahi family, who had taken refuge in his
court. This force occupied a large portion of Berar. On hearing of this Murtaza marched in haste
towards Berar. His officer Sayyad Murtaza, who had preceded his master, came up with the
pretender at the head of eight thousand troops. Sayyad Murtaza attacked and defeated Zainuddin.
Murtaza Nizam Sah, in the meanwhile, had entered Khandes by the Rohankheda ghat and laid
waste the country to the very gates of Burhanpur. Miran Muhammad Sah shut himself up in the
fortress of Asir. It was invested by Cangiz Khan, the Vazir of Murtaza Nizam Sah with 8,000 troops.
Miran Muhammad Sah sent a detachment of his troops to cut off the rear of the besieging forces.
The detachment was repulsed with heavy losses. A few officers of the Khandes army were taken
prisoners. Murtaza Nizam Sah then himself marched in person to Asir from whence he sent out
parties to devastate the surrounding country. Miran Muhammad Sah was compelled to purchase
peace by the payment of an indemnity of 10,00,000 Muzaffari coins of Gujarat. It was only then that
the Nizamsahi troops retired to their own country. In the year 1576 Miran Muhammad Sah fell sick.
He died a few months after2.
RAJA ALI KHAN.
Miran Muhammad Sah Was succeeded by his minor son Husain Khan. But Raja Ali Khan, the
late King's brother, who was at Agra at the time of the death of Miran Muhammad, hurried towards
Burhanpur. He was received by the nobles of the Kingdom who placed him on the throne. Husain
Khan was deposed3. Emperor Akbar had lately annexed the Kingdoms of
1 Sayyad Ali places the strength of the army at 20,000 troops. Ahmadnagarchi Nizamshahi, p.
173.
2 The account of this estrangement between Khandesh and Ahmadnagar and the subsequent
attack by Ahmadnagar on Khandesh given by Sayyad Ali does not differ substantially from the one
given by Ferishta. His account is as under: Miran Muhammad was incited to attack Berar by
Qutbshah and Adil Shah who promised help. When the commander in chief of Khandesh marched
in Berar all the officers of Ahmadnagar except Chagtai Khan left their posts and fled to Ellichpur.
Khurshid Khan, the Sarlashkar of Ahmadnagar, in Berar, left for Gavilgad and from there he
harassed the Khandesh army. The Khandesh army overtook the Ahmadnagar troops at Narnala
which it besieged and inflicted a crushing defeat upon them. The Ahmadnagar army regrouped on
the banks of Purna but had to fall back with heavy losses after being attacked by Miran Muhammad
Shah. When the news of this disaster reached Murtaza Nizam Shah he marched with his general
Sayyad Murtaza. This unnerved Zain-ul-Abidin the commander of Khandesh forces who withdrew to
his own country. Miran Muhammad fled to Asir fort. Murtaza in the meanwhile marched to
Burhanpur and completely sacked the town. Murtaza then proceeded to besiege Asir fort. On his
way he defeated a contingent of Khandesh troops sent to oppose him. He devastated the entire
districts of Asir and Burhanpur and marching further besieged the fort of Asir. The siege continued
reducing Miran Muhammad to a miserable plight. Miran Muhammad, therefore, sent Khan Khanan
to Murtaza Nizam Shah begging for peace. Murtaza Nizam Shah agreed to raise the siege of
Asirgad and retire to his territory on condition of receiving an indemnity of 1 lakh Muzaffari Rupees.
The siege was raised and the amount was paid to Murtaza Nizam Shah after he crossed the river at
Burhanpur on his way to his Kingdom. (Ahmadnagarchi Nizamshahi, pp. 173—176).
3 Briggs, IV, p. 321.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 255
Malwa and Gujarat to, his empire. In the summer of 1577 he sent an expeditionary force to Khandes
which secured the submission of Raja Ali Khan. The importance of the submission of Raja Ali Khan
to Akbar cannot be minimised because it was a part of a grand scheme of the Moghal emperors to
subjugate the entire Deccan. Between the Deccan and the Moghal empire Khandes was the only
political barrier. Raja Ali Khan earnestly desired the maintenance of independence of the Deccan
states. He was, however, apprehensive of their future as well as his own. The internecine strifes and
bitter and bloody domestic feuds prevailing in the Deccan could, in the event of an imperial attack,
prevent the Deccan states from rendering him any active assistance. This situation forced Raja Ali
Khan to forego his sympathies for the Deccan states and submit to Akbar. In the same year there
was a rebellion in Gujarat by one Muzaffar Husain Mirza, who occupied Nandurbar and Baroda. The
expeditionary force stationed in Khandes was sent against him. It was defeated. On hearing of the
news Todar Mal who was at Patan hastened to Gujarat and defeated the rebel. On the return of
Todar Mal, Muzaffar Husain again raised his head and defeated Vazir Khan, the viceroy of Sarnal.
However, an accidental bullet shot, killed Mihar Ali, Muzaffar's deputy. Muzaffar fled in panic to
Nandurbar. He was seized by Raja Ali Khan and surrendered to Akbar.
In, 1586 Akbar planned an invasion of Berar in support of a few discontented nobles of he
Ahmadnagar court. They had rebelled against Salabat Khan, the prime minister of Ahmadnagar and
had fled to Akbar's court. Khan Azam, the governor of Malva was ordered to attack Berar. Raja Ali
Khan now sided with Ahmadnagar and the combined forces of the two effectively cut the raiders off
their base and forced Khan Azam to beat a hasty retreat to Gujarat. While on his way to Gujarat he
suddenly came upon Sultanpur and Nandurbar. He plundered them and retired to Malva. The
armies of Khandes and Ahmadnagar then retired to their respective territories.
In 1589, Akbar again sought the opportunity of interfering in the affairs of the Deccan. He
supported Burhan, the younger brother of Murtaza Nizam Sah. The latter had been murdered. His
son Husain had ascended the throne. However, Husain was also murdered in the same year.
Burhan's son Ismail was put on the throne. Burhan now marched to the Deccan to depose his son
and secure for himself the throne of Ahmadnagar. Akbar now wrote to Raja Ali Khan to support
Burhan in his designs. After initial reverses Burhan fled to Khandes. There he was reinforced by
Raja Ali Khan with an army. Raja Ali Khan also sought the assistance of Ibrahim Adil Sah. Jamal
Khan, the Ahmadnagar commander defeated the Adilsahi troops sent under Dilavar Khan. He then
turned to face the combined forces of Raja Ali Khan and Burhan. Jamal Khan was, however,
defeated and slain. Ismail Nizam Sah was captured on the battle field Burhan now ascended the
256 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
throne of Ahmadnagar as Burhan Nizam Sah II. Soon after he quarrelled with Ibrahim Adil Sah
about the employment of Dilavar Khan, who had been disgraced by Ibrahim Adil Sah. However, the
intervention of Raja Ali Khan and Muhammad Quli Qutb Sah saved the situation from deteriorating
further.
In 1591 Akbar sent missions to the courts of the Sultans of the Deccan. Faizi was accredited
to Raja Ali Khan of Khandes and Burhan Nizam Sah II of Ahmadnagar. Faizi reported stubbornness
on the part of the latter. Akbar then stationed a permanent force in Malva under Murad with
instructions to intervene in the Deccan affairs at an opportune time1.
1 The following extracts give information about the arrival of the amirs with an Imperial army at
Asir and Burhanpur and the subsequent events.
It has been mentioned above, that Shahab Khan and other amirs were sent with 10,000 horse
against Asir and Burhanpur. When Raja Ali Khan heard of the approach of this force, he drew in his
horns and crept into his fortress. The amirs entered the country, and did not stop till they reached
Bijanagar. Great dissension arose in the country of Asir, and Raja Ali Khan was reduced to beg
pardon for his offences. He promised the amirs to send suitable tribute and some elephants in
charge of his people to the Emperor's Court. At this time, Kutbuddin Muhammad Khan separated
from the other amirs, and went off to Nandurbar and Sultanpur, in consequence of disturbances
which had arisen in his jagirs of Broach and Baroda, through the proceedings of Muzaffar Husain.
The disorders in Asir and Burhanpur which the amir's had been sent to settle being ended, by the
submission of Raja Ali and his payment of tribute, the amirs retired to their respective jagirs. When
Hakim Ain-ul-mulk, who had gone on an embassy to Adil the rulerof the Dakhin, returned, he was
sent with the elephants and the tribute to the Imperial Court.
At this time Mir Murtaza and Khudawand Khan, ruler of the country of Birar in the Dakhin,
marched to attack Ahmadnagar. They were defeated in battle by Salabat Khan, the vakil of Nizamul-
Mulk, and then came complaining to the Imperial Court. A farman was sent to Azam Khan, ruler
of Malwa, directing him to march against the Dakhin, and subdue Birar. Farmans were also sent to
Mir Murtaza Khudawand Khan, Tirandaz Khan, and other men of the Dakhin. Many of the great
nobles, such as Abdul Matlab Khan, **Rai Durga, Raja Askaran, **and many others, too numerous
to mention, were sent with artillery, three hundred elephants, and the army of Malwa on this
expedition. Mir Fathulla, who had received the title of Azdu-d-daula, was sent to make
arrangements in the Dakhin. Khwajagi Fath-ulla was appointed bakhshi, and Mukhtar Beg, diwan of
this army.
This force concentrated at Hindia, on the borders of the Dakhin. ' Azam Khan had a feud with
Shahabuddin Ahmad Khan, then ruler of Ujjain, because he suspected Shahabuddin and Azdu-ddaula.
For six months the force remained inactive at Hindia, and at length matters reached such a
pitch that Shahab-uddin, being offended with Azam Khan, went off to his jagir of Raisin. Azam Khan
marched to attack him, and a dire calamity was upon the point of falling upon the royal army; but
Azdu-d-daula managed to effect a reconciliation.
When Raja 'Ali Khan, the ruler of Asir and Burhanpur saw these dissensions in the Imperial
army, he gathered his forces and marched against Azdu-d-daula. On his approach, Azdu-d daula
went to him, and sought to win him over; but he did not succeed, so he retreated to Gujarat to
strengthen Khan khanan.
The above-named (Azam Khan) went towards Birar, and plundered Elichpur, but not being
able to maintain his ground, proceeded towards Nandurbar. The Dakhinis followed march by march,
and Azam Khan, notwithstanding his great strength fell back before them, till he reached Nandurbar.
He wrote letters to Khan-khanan at Ahmadabad, calling for assistance, and Khan-khanan sent me
and a number of amirs, such as **, on in advance, and declared his own intention of following.
When I arrived at Mahmudabad, Azam Khan, left his army at Nandurbar, and proceeded with a few
attendants to Ahmadabad. Khan khanan came out quickly from Ahmadabad to receive him, and
they met at the place where I was resting, and then returned to Ahmadabad. 'Azam Khan's sister
was wife of Khan-khanan, so he went to see her, and the two Khans resolved to proceed afterwards
against the Dakhinis.
I and my associates marched against the rebels to Baroda, and Khan-khanan and Azam
Khan followed me; but the latter went on quickly, in order to get the army at Nandurbar ready. Khan
khanan wrote to me, directing me to wait at Baroda,
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 257
In 1593, dispute arose between Salabat Khan, the Ahmadnagar regent and Sayyad Murtaza,
the governor of Berar. An action was fought between the two near Ahmadnagar wherein the latter
was defeated. Sayyad Murtaza was closely pursued. He reached Burhanpur where he sought the
help of Raja Ali Khan. Growing impatient, Sayyad Murtaza sacked the town of Burhanpur and
marched towards Agra. Raja Ali Khan, however, overtook Murtaza on the banks of Narmada and
defeated him. Murtaza, however, managed to escape and sought asylum with Akbar. Akbar enrolled
him in his service and decided upon invading the Deccan. Raja Ali Khan, on learning of the turn the
events had taken, deputed an envoy to Akbar and presented all the elephants he had captured from
Sayyad Murtaza. In the following year, however, Akbar sent Sayyad Murtaza and other Deccan
chiefs to Malva for the specific purpose of invading Berar. Ahmadnagar sent Mirza Muhammad Taqi
to oppose the invading army. When the imperial forces arrived at Handia, their commander deputed
an envoy Sah Fathullah Siraji to Raja Ali Khan asking him to bring about accommodation with
Ahmadnagar. On the other hand Mirza Muhammad Taqi made overtures to Raja Ali Khan and
induced him to join with Ahmadnagar. Raja Ali Khan preferred to side with the Ahmadnagar forces.
The combined armies arrived within two miles of the Moghal camp at Handia. But no action took
place. A contingent of the Moghal army made a diversionary attack on Berar, and before being
contacted by the Ahmadnagar forces retired to Handia. The forces of Khandes and Ahmadnagar
also retired to their respective territories..
At this time the affairs at the court of Ahmadnagar were in a state of utter confusion. With the
death of Burhan Nizam Sah II, the court was divided into various factions. One of the
contd.
till he arrived. When the Khan arrived, he proceeded with the army to Broach, and on reaching that
place he received letters from Azam Khan, in which he said, that as the rainy season had begun,
operations must be postponed to the following year, and then they would proceed together against
the Dakhin. Azam Khan returned to Malwa, Raja Ali Khan went with the Dakhinis to their homes,
and Khan Khanan returned to Ahmadabad, where he occupied himself in matters of administration
for five months.
At this time, the Prince of Poets, Shaikh Faizi, returned from his mission to Raja Ali Khan and
Burhan-ul-Mulk Dakhini. Mir Muhammad Amin, Mir Munir, and Amin-uddin also returned from their
missions to the different rulers of the Dakhin. Burhan-ul-Mulk had received favours and assistance
from His Majesty, but now he did not send suitable tribute, nor did he act in a grateful and becoming
way. His tribute did not exceed fifteen elephants, some fabrics of the Dakhin, and a few jewels. So
the Emperor determined to effect the conquest of the Dakhin, and on the 21st Muharram he
appointed Prince Daniyal to command the invading army. Khan khanan, Rai Singh, Rai Bil Hakim
Ain-ul Mulk, and other amirs of Malwa, and jagirdars of the subas of Ajmir and Delhi were appointed
to attend him. Seventy thousand horse were ordered on this campaign. The Emperor himself went
out with them, hunting as he went, as far as the river of Sultanpur, thirty-five kos from Lahore. Khan
khanan, in attendance upon Prince Daniyal, had come as far as Sirhind, and was summoned to hold
a council with the Emperor. He joined the royal party at Shaikhupur, and the campaign in the Dakhin
was reconsidered. Khan khanan was now ordered to proceed on the service alone, without troubling
Prince Daniyal. An order was published that the army of the Dakhin was to serve under Khan
khanan. He took leave of the Emperor at Agra, and His Majesty returned, hunting as he went, to the
capital Lahore.
(Elliot and Dowson, Vol. V, pp. 406, 441-442 and 467-468.)
258 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
factions led by Miyan Manju invited Akbar to intervene. Akbar willingly accepted the invitation and
sent Khan Khanan and prince Murad with a large force to subjugate the Deccan. Raja Ali Khan was
asked to join the imperial army. His sympathies lay entirely with Ahmadnagar. He sent secret
messages of encouragement to the defenders of Ahmadnagar1. The siege lasted for a considerable
time. Peace was concluded when Ahmadnagar agreed to cede Berar to the Moghals. The peace,
however, did not last long. Hostilities erupted between the Moghals and Ahmadnagar. A battle was
fought on 8th and 9th February 1597, at Sonpet when on the first day both the wings of the imperial
army were put to flight. In the left wing Raja Ali Khan made a heroic stand. He was slain with thirty
of his officers and 500 of his men. Khan Khanan made a determined stand but the imperial troops
finding the left wing suddenly empty plundered the Khandes camp. Victory ultimately declared for
the imperialists. On the following day the body of Raja Ali Khan was found on the field of battle. His
body was taken to Burhanpur where he was buried with due honours.
BAHADUR SHAH.
Raja Ali Khan was succeeded by his son Qadr Khan under the title of Bahadur Sah. In 1599
Akbar had sent Abul Fazl from Agra to summon prince Murad. Abul Fazl was received by Bahadur
Khan near Burhanpur. The meeting was far from cordial and Bahadur Khan refused to join the
imperial army in person, offering a contingent of 2,000 horse under the command of his son Kabir
Khan. Prince Murad, however, died on 12 May 1599 and was succeeded by prince Danial1 in
command of the imperialist troops. The condition of the imperial army stationed in the Deccan was
unsatisfactory. Akbar left Agra for Malva to supervise the operations in the Deccan Prince Danial
had also proceeded to take command. He arrived at Burhanpur in January 1600. Bahadur Khan
remained in the citadel and refused to come and see the prince. Akbar hastened to Burhanpur, and
ordered Danial to proceed to Ahmadnagar. He decided to deal with Bahadur Khan himself. It may
be recalled here that the behaviour of the imperial troops on the battle of Sonpet must have
embittered Bahadur Khan against Akbar. Bahadur shut himself up in the fort of Asir and
commenced preparations to defend himself. Akbar arrived at Burhanpur on 8 April 1600. He sent
Khan Azam to besiege Asir. He appointed Abul Fazl as governor of Khandes. Bahadur Khan now
tried to open peace talks with Akbar. He wanted to play for time. He hoped that Akbar might raise
the siege for want of supplies. The siege of Asir, however, progressed languidly due to the sloth and
venality of some of the imperial officers. On 9 December an important outwork of the fort was
carried by escalade. On 21 December 1600, Bahadur appeared before
1. It was chiefly through the persuasion of Khan Khanan that Raja Ali Khan declared his
allegiance to Akbar. Coins were also struck and prayers read in Akbar's name. Khandesh was given
as grant to Raja Ali Khan and he was enrolled among the nobles of 5,000. (Elliot and Dowson, Vol.
VI, p. 241.)
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 259
Akbar in the imperial camp and made his submission. The submission of Bahadur did not mean the
submission of the fortress because Bahadur had given clear instructions to Yakut, the commander
of the fortress to hold it to the last. Yakut carried these orders faithfully even when his son Muqarrab
Khan brought orders for the surrender of the fort from Bahadur Khan, then in the imperial camp.
Yakut Khan even went to the extent of placing on the throne one of the numerous princes from the
royal family imprisoned in the fort. None consented to this step. The disappointed commander
exclaimed "Would to God that Ye were women", took poison and died. The fort surrendered to
Akbar on January 6, 1601 and Khandes, was thus finally annexed to the Empire. Prince Danial
arrived in the imperial camp and was made the governor of the new province. Khandes was
fancifully named by Akbar as Dandes, after his son Danial. Akbar then reorganised the provinces of
Khandes and Berar. Portions of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar which had been conquered were
joined to this province. They constituted the viceroyalty of the Deccan. Akbar appointed prince
Danial as the viceroy of the new province1
1The details of the conquest and annexation of Khandesh are as follows:—
The Emperor Akbar had subjected to his rule the whole wide expanse of Hindustan, with the
exception of a portion of the Dakhin, the rulers of which had, never the-less, sent in former years
representatives and presents to the Imperial throne. But some of these rulers had since failed in
duly discharging their obligations, and had thus, wounded the pride of the Emperor. Prince Shah
Murad, Khan-khanan, and other amirs had been sent to effect the conquest of the country. The
Prince went to that country, arid distinguished himself by his services. Other amirs were afterwards
sent, who fought bravely, and subjugated a considerable portion of the country. The work of
conquest was still progressing, when it entered the heart of Prince Salim, that he would proceed
thither to support the amirs, and to accomplish the reduction of the remainder of the country, so that
diversities of religion might be swept away, and that the whole country might repose in peace under
the Imperial rule. For five or six years the conquest had been retarded by the bickerings of the
amirs, and so he resolved to proceed from Lahore to the Imperial presence at Agra, there to obtain
information of the true state of affairs, because that place was nearer to the scene of action; and
after due consultation, to proceed thither in person should it seem necessary. When intelligence
arrived of the death of Prince Shah Murad Prince Daniyal was sent thither; but the Emperor not
feeling at ease upon the state of affairs in the Dakhin, resolved to proceed in that direction, by
making a hunting excursion to Malwa. His intention was to send a strong reinforcement to Prince
Daniyal, under Bahadur, son of Raja' Ali of Khandesh, arid rest a while in Malwa till events took a
favourable turn. The Emperor accordingly left Agra and on the 21st of the month after showing great
honour and favour to Khan Khanan, he sent him on in advance. On the 7th Rabi-us-Sani, the
Emperor reached Dholpur. The river Chambal was crossed by fords, and His Majesty went over on
an elephant. On the 17th he reached the fort of Gwalior. * * * On the 29th Jumadas Sani, he passed
through Sironj, and on the 1st Rajab the royal camp was pitched between Kaliyada and Ujjain. This
city Ujjain is one of the most ancient in Hindustan and contains many relics of antiquity. Kaliyada is
the name of one of the most delightful places in the world. * * * Here the Emperor rested for awhile,
expecting that Bahadur Khan, son of Raja' Ali Khan of Khandesh, would come to wait upon him.
Raja Ali Khan of Khandesh, had been slain fighting bravely under Khan-khanan against the
Dakhinis, and it was expected that his son would now come forward to give his services to the
Imperial army, in the hope of revenging his father's fall, and of gaining the Imperial favour. Even
while the Emperor was encamped at Ujjain, some intimation was received about his intentions, and
his great kindness sent Miran Sadar-i-Jahan to Khandesh to ascertain the exact state of affairs and
to remove any doubts which might have crept into the mind of Bahadur Khan.
The ambassador proceeded to Khandesh, and ascertained that when Bahadur Khan
succeeded Raja Ali Khan, he was a prisoner in the fort of Asir. For it was he established custom
among the rulers of Khandesh, that the reigning potentate
260 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
contd.
kept his sons.brothers.and other relations in confinement, to guard against attempts upon the
throne; so these unhappy persons, with their wives and families, passed all their lives in
confinement. Bahadur Khan had passed nearly thirty years in prison, and knew nothing whatever of
the ways of the world, and the business of government. When he came out of prison, and the title of
ruler devolved upon him, he plunged recklessly into dissipation. No trace of the tact and nobility which
had distinguished Raja 'Ali Khan was to be found in him. Unmindful of his obligations and
obedience to the Imperial throne, he showed no gratitude and sent no tribute: nor did his craven
spirit entertain one thought of avenging his father. When this became known to the Emperor, he
remembered the loyalty and devotion of that late Raja and sent Miran Sadr-i-Jahan to give good
counsel to the young prince.
Miran proceeded to Asir. Bahadur Khan received him at first with great respect and honour,
and acknowledged the allegiance and duty he owed to the Emperor. The envoy on his sfde gave
him good counsel and advice, and endeavoured to excite in him a spirit of loyalty. But fate was
against the young ruler; he paid but little heed to good counsel, and persisted in his own perverse
conduct. Sometimes he said he would-go to see the Emperor; at others, that suspicions had been
aroused in his mind by people's talk. which would not allow him to make this visit at present: but he
promised to send his son with suitable offerings, if the Emperor would graciously direct him to do so.
After a while, when all the dependents of the Imperial throne should have been confirmed in their
places, and he should be able to throw off his feeling of shame, he would proceed in person to pay
his respects to the Emperor. These excuses proceeded either from his wavering disposition, or from
settled design to act treacherously. When Miran, the envoy, found that his representations had no
effect upon Bahadur, he communicated the result to the Enrpercr. This roused great anger in the
breast of the Emperor, and was the cause of his sending Shaikh Farid Bokhari to Khandesh.
On the 14th Sha'ban, while the Imperial camp was at Dhar, Shaikh Farid Bakhshi-ul Mulk
received orders to lead a considerable force against the fort of Asir. His instructions were to
reassure and advise Bahadur Khan. If he proved tractable he was to be brought to the presence of
the Emperor; if not, the Bakhshi was to invest the fort of Asir, and reduce it with a possible speed.
The Imperial officers were eager to proceed on this service, partly out of zeal in the service of the
Emperor, partly from the wish to serve under the Bakhshi. Among those who accompanied him
were** And a large number whose names are too numerous to recount.
With this select force, the Bakhshi crossed the Nerbadda, and sought to get information about
the enemy. He then learned that the forces of Bahadur Khan were under the command of Sadat
Khan, son-in-law of the late Raja 'Ali Khan, the greatest and the most trusted of all his servants. He
had been sent towards Sultanpur and Nandurbar, to make a diversion against the Imperial forces in
that quarter. It was resolved to detach a force to watch this party, while the remainder marched
through Khandesh. On arriving at Gharkol, a humble and submissive letter was brought from
Bahadur Khan, recounting the services of his ancestors, and offering to send his son with suitable
offerings to the Emperor. He also made excuses for his conduct and solicited the kind intercession
of Shaikh Farid to avert the consequences of his faults. The Shaikh sent this letter to the Emperor,
and waited for an answer. The Emperor sent a gracious reply, offering to forgive his transgressions
and to receive him into favour if he would hasten to pay his allegiance.
Marching forwards, the army passed over the summit of Sabalgarh, and arrived on the
confines of Khandesh. Miran Sadr-i-Jahan had previously advised that the force should be sent to
Burhanpur, lest its advance upon Asir should drive Bahadur Khan to desperation. But when this
opinion was represented to the Emreror, he, the same day, gave orders that no attention was to be
paid to it; that the army was not to go to Burhanpur, but was to march direct to Asir, and invest the
place. Accordingly, it advanced to within two or three kos of Asir.
On arriving there, it was learned that Miran Sadr-i-Jahan and Peshrau Khan, who had also
been sent by the Emperor to Bahadur, after alternately trying persuasion and menace, were unable
to make any impression upon him, and has retired from Asir to Burhanpur. From thence they
reported the failure of their mission, and left the emperor to determine what was best to be done. On
the 21st Shaban the Emperor proceeded to Mandu. (Description of buildings). When Shaikh Farid
came near to Asir, Bahadur Khan sent him another letter, containing the same appeals for merciful
consideration, and offering the same excuses as he had made before. In reply, he was reminded
how, the kings of the Dakhin had united their armies, and had made war upon the Emperor's allies,
and how Raja Ali had fallen fighting bravely and loyally upon the Imperial side. The Emperor was
now resolved upon revenging his death, and, with God's help, would annex the territories of all the
three kings to the Imperial dominions. His duty, therefore, was to join the army with his followers
without delay, and to take revenge for his father's blood—not
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 261
contd.
to be a thorn in the way, and to say to the Emperor, " First strike me, and then the murderers of my
father ". But fortune had turned her back upon the family, and the graceless fellow would listen to no
reason or expostulation.
The rulers of Khandesh were of the Faruki tribe, and the family had held rule in the country for
more than 200 years. An ancestor who had connections with the Dakhin, and had served there as a
soldier, being aggrieved, left that country and went to Khandesh, which country was then held by
different Zamindars and Rajas. He came to a village which pleased him and there a dog which'
accompanied him set off in pursuit of a hare, but the hare turned round and attacked the dog. This
unusual exhibition of courage greatly impressed him, and he thought that the land where such a
sight could be seen must be fertile in courage and daring, so he resolved to take up his abode there.
He expressed his wish to the Zamindar of the place, but it was refused. Afterwards he seized an
opportunity of seeking assistance from the King of Dehli, and having collected some of his brethren
(tribesmen?), he overpowered that Zamindar, and took possession of the village. He extended his
power over other villages around, and in the end he was master of several paraganas and
commander of an armed force.
When he died, his authority descended to his grandson, who saw the value that a fortress
would be as a place of safety for his family and dependents. Asir, which is situated on the top of a
hill, was at that time an inhabited place. He contrived by various stratagems to obtain this place from
the Zamindar who held it, and forti fied it strongly. He then assumed the name of ruler, and at length
the whole country of Khandesh, about 150 kos in length, and 50 in breadth, more or less, came
under his sway. These rulers acted so wisely and carefully that the kings of Dehli did not interfere
with them. **Upon the Government descending to Raja' Ali Khan, he showed himself to be a man of
great administrative powers, and it is probable that no one of the dynasty had been his equal in
intelligence and ability. People of neighbouring and distant countries had been induced by his just
and generous rule to take up their abode in his country. Among the best proofs of his intelligence
was his loyalty to the Imperial throne, his obedience, and the magnificence of his offerings, in all
which he excelled the other princes of the region.
His successor, Bahadur Khan, had none of his ability, and advice was thrown away upon him.
The line was drawing to a close, and fortune had averted her face. Shaikh Farid invested the fort,
and reported the fact to the Emperor, who sent him reinforcements, and himself passed over the
Nerbadda on his way to superintend the siege. On the 4th Ramazan. the Nauroz-i-sultani occurred,
and His Majesty halted three days to celebrate the festival. **The march of the imperial force was
then resumed.
Letters now arrived from Nawab' Allami Shaikh Abu-l-Fazal, who was coming from the Dakhin
with the elephants and valuable effects of the late Prince, and who, announced his arrival at
Burhanpur. He had received orders to join Shaikh Farid and to concert measures with him for the
punishment of the recusant Prince. On the 4th Farwardin the army marched, and encamped at two
kos distance from the fort of Asir, because on that side there was no ground near the fort which was
fit for a camp. Baz Bahadur Uzbek and Karabeg were sent forward immediately to select positions
for the trenches and for the encampment of the besiegers.
On their return, they reported that they had never seen in any country a fort like this; for
however, long an army might press the siege, nothing but the extraordinary good fortune of the
Emperor could effect its capture. Old soldiers, and men who had travelled into distant lands, men
who had seen the fortresses of Iran and Turan, of Rum, Europe, and of the whole habitable world,
had never beheld the equal of this. It is situated on a high and strong hill, and three smaller hills,
each having a fort, stand around it, like a halo round the moon. The ways of entrance and exit were
difficult to discover. Near it there was no other hill commanding it, and no way of approach. All
around was level ground, and there were no trees or jungle to serve as cover. All the time the
country had been held by the dynasty, each prince as he succeeded, did his best to keep the place
in repair, to add to its strength, or to increase its stores. It was impossible to conceive a stronger
fortress-or one more amply supplied with artillery, warlike stores, and provisions. There were 500
mans of opium, Akbar-shahi weight, in its stores. Were the fortress placed upon level ground, its
reduction would be difficult; but such a hill, such a well secured fortress, and such artillery, were not
to be found in any one place on the face of the earth.
After the capture of the fortress accounts were taken of the munitions. Of pieces of artillery
(zarb-zan), small and great, there were more than 1,300, besides some which were disused. The
balls varied in weight from nearly two mans down to a Sir or a half Sir. There were great numbers of
mortars (hukkadan), and also many manjaniks,
262 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
contd.
each of which threw stones of 1000 or 2000 mans. On every bastion there were large iron
cauldrons, in each of which twenty or thirty mans of oil could be boiled and poured down upon the
assailants in case of assault. No account was taken of the muskets. Of provisions of all sorts, wines,
medicines, aromatic roots, and of everything required for the use of man, there was vast
abundance. When, after a protracted siege of eleven months, the place fell into the hands of the
Imperial army, the quantities of grain, oil, etc., which remained, after some thousands of men had
been fed (during the siege), seemed as if the stores had never been touched. The stores of
ammunition were such, that thousands of mans were left, although the quantity consumed had been
enorfnous. For, throughout the siege a constant firing was kept up night and day, with object and
without object; so that in the dark nights of the rainy season no man dared to raise his head, and a
demon even would not move about. There were large chambers full of powder. There were no
springs of water in the fortress; but there were two or three immense reservoirs, in which the (rain)
water was collected and stored from year to year, and amply sufficed for the requirements of the
garrison. In the dwelling of each officer of importance there was a separate reservoir, containing a
sufficient supply of pure water for his household. Nor had all this preparation been made for the
occasion; it had been kept up from the foundation of the fortress. The rulers of the country had
incessantly cared for the strengthening and provisioning of the fort more especially in respect of
artillery. The revenues of several parganas were specially and separately assigned to keep up the
supply of artillery, so that the officers of the department had independent sources for maintaining its
efficiency. The population in the fortress was like that of a city, for it was full of men of every kind.
After the surrender, the inhabitants came out, and there was a continuous throng night and day for a
week.
The houses of the chiefs were fine lofty buildings, and there were open spaces, gardens and
fountains. In the walls of the fort, which were of great thickness, chambers and rooms were
constructed for the officers of the artillery, where, during all seasons, they could live in comfort, and
keep up a fire of cannon and musketry. The fortress has one gate, and outside this gate there is
another fort called Kamargarh, the walls of which are joined on both sides to the great fort. This was
looked upon as an outwork, and was held by inferior ranks of men, such as musketeers and
archers. Below this fort, but still on an elevated spot, is another fort called Malgarh, which also is
very strong. In comparison with the fortress, it seems at the bottom of the earth; but compared with
the surface of the ground, it looks halfway up to the sky. This being the most advanced of the works,
great care had been taken to strengthen it with guns and other implements.
Below this was an inhabited place called Takhati, as large as a city. In short, the fortress is
one of the wonders of the world, and it is impossible to convey an idea of it to any one who has not
seen it.
Shaikh Farid, after collecting all available information about the fortress, wrote a description to
the Emperor, and devoted himself to devising a plan for its capture. As the actual strength of the
place was not fully known to the Emperor, envious men represented its reduction as being ah easy
matter, and thus vexed him. **A letter at length arrived from the camp, announcing the Emperor's
intention to come and examine into matters with his own eyes. About the same time also Shaikh
Abul Fazl arrived from Burhanpur, and encamped three or four kos from Asir, as he was hastening
to join the Emperor. He sent to inform Shaikh Farid of his presence, and the Shaikh set off to see
him. He had gone but a little way, when he remembered that Bahadur had promised to see him next
day; so he stopped and returned to camp. Next day Bahadur came down from the fort to meet the
Shaikh, and his spies busied themselves in observing all they could. It so happened that on that day
a letter was coming from the Emperor, and the Shaikh mounted to go and meet it. But just as he
was starting, his spies brought him word that the cavalcade was approaching. Although Shaikh
Farid had with him a large force of horse and foot, musketeers, rocket-men, and elephants, the
matter seemed to him important, and he was apprehensive that there was some design against him.
So he halted where he was, and sent a messenger to Shaikh Abul Fazl, to say that he should not
come to see him that day, as circumstances prevented him. ** Shaikh Farid sent messengers to reassure
Bahadur, and he came with a large escort to the Shaikh's tent, and had an interview with
him. Every argument was used to induce him to make his submission to the Emperor, and as he
had no answer to give, he merely shook his head. At length he returned to his old excuse of being
afraid, and rejecting all advice, he returned to the fortress. Soma men have maintained that the
Shaikh ought to have made him prisoner at this meeting; but resort to subterfuge and want of faith
and truth never prove successful. Besides this, Bahadur had with him a force sufficient to resist the
weak army of the Shaikh. Next day the Shaikh went to visit Shaikh Abu-l Fazl at his camp, three or
four kos from the fortress, and the meeting with Bahadur was discussed, and report sent off to the
Emperor.
HISTORY – MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 263
contd.
All expectation of Bahadur's submission being now given up, Abul Fazl, who had waited to
see the result of the interview, proceeded to join the Emperor. Having first directed his attention to
the occupation of the country, the closing of the roads, the way into and out of the fortress, the
forming of the trenches, and other matters connected with the siege, Shaikh Farid sent a
detachment to Burhanpur, to arrest the officers of Bahadur, and to occupy the city. But on arriving
there, it was found that the governor had already made his submission to the Emperor. Some
experienced officers thought it desirable that a force should be stationed there, **and Shaikh Farid
finally decided that 1000 horses should be stationed between Burhanpur and Asir. This force took
up a position about two kos from the fortress, and cut off all communication between it and the city.
Next day Shaikh Abu-l Barakat, brother of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, joined the besieging force with the
elephants and artillery which had been sent under his command. The army now removed to a more
favourable position, and it was resolved to form trenches in every suitable place near the fort, and to
close the roads and entrances. Another letter was received from Bahadur Khan, **to which Shaikh
Farid replied. **But Bahadur Khan trusted in the strength of his fort, and thought that its height and
strength were such that no mortal force could take it.
One day when the commander rode towards the fort to examine it, a large gun was fired at
him. It is related that some of the battlements of the tower on which it was placed fell down, and the
gun itself also fell. This was received as a good omen by the Imperial army. Mir Sadr-i Jahan, who
had returned to the Emperor, now came back charged with an Imperial message. Next day Miyan
Saiyid went round and looked after many things in the construction of the trenches, so that they
might afford protection to the men, and enable them to stay there day and night. The Emperor's
mind was intent upon this undertaking. Letters constantly arrived from him with instructions and
urgent directions. Every day some one of his officers came to inspect and report upon the business
of the siege. **
Having received orders to wait upon the Emperor, Shaikh Farid proceeded on the 18th to the
royal camp at Burganw, seven or eight kos from Asir. He was received very kindly, and he related
all the details of the siege. He remained there the next day, and on the following day the Imperial
camp moved towards Asir. On the 21st Farwardin, or 25th Ramazan, it reached the city of
Burhanpur, and the Emperor took up his abode in the palace of the old rulers. Intent upon the siege,
he then marched on, attended by numerous amirs, and arrived under the fort on the 3rd Shawwal.
Shaikh Farid then received orders to attend to his own duties as Bakhshi, and wait upon His
Majesty, and to appoint the other amirs to the direction of the trenches, so that he might be ready,
upon emergency, to lead a force in any direction.
The trenches were then allotted to the different amirs. The first to Khan-i-Azam **another to
Nawab Asaf Khan, another to Mirza Jani Beg of Tatta.** A fourth trench he placed in charge of his
brethren and adherents, and having well examined it, he gave it into their charge while he himself
proceeded with a chosen force to attend upon the Emperor. It was impossible to dig mines or
construct sabats; so the men in each trench endeavoured to bring the investment as close as
possible. At the end of the month, 'Azam khan and Asaf Khan reported that the garrison kept up a
fire from different kinds of guns all night and day, with object and without object, necessary and
unnecessary; and that the besiegers endured it with great bravery.
In the early days of Zil-ka' da, Bahadur sent out of the fortress sixty-four elephants, along with
his mother and son, to the Emperor, and begged forgiveness of his offences. The Emperor replied,
that if he desired pardon, he must come out at once to make submission, and trust to the Emperor's
mercy. **On the 16th Zil-hijja sortie was made, in which many of the garrison lost their lives in a
desperate struggle. When they were driven back, a little Kill called Koriya fell into the hands of the
besiegers. This eminence is so close to the fortress as to have command over it. The besiegers
then saw that by occupying this commanding position, and by getting possession of another which
was strongly fortified, they might overawe the garrison. . The former masters of the place had seen
the importance of this position, and had scarped the rock so that no one could climb up. ***After
hard fighting, this position Was carried.
On the 21st Safar news arrived of the capture of Ahmadnagar on the 18th. The fortress had
long been defended by Chand Bai, the sister of Nizamul-Mulk, and when formerly besieged,
dissensions among the Imperial amirs averted its capture. Prince Daniyal, assisted by some of the
great amirs, had now taken it by assault. The siege had now been carried on for nearly six months,
and a constant fire had heen kept up without effect. Khan-khanan thought that mining must be
resorted to, and the other amirs coinciding with him, a mine was formed. It was charged with 180
mans of gunpowder, and had exploded on 20th Shahryur, in the 45th year of the reign. A bastion
was blown up with seventy or eighty gaz of the wall. Khan-khanan, Raja
264 MAHARASHTRA STATE GAZETTEER
contd.
Jagannath, and the other amirs exerted themselves to incite their troops, and gave orders that the
troops were to rush in and finish the work directly after the explosion. This order was duly executed;
and a force under Yusuf Khan scaled the wall, by means of a mound, in another place. The
assailants pressed on, and after a severe fight, in which 1000 of the besiegers fell the fortress was
captured. The grandson of Nizamul-Mulk was taken prisoner, and carried to the Emperor.**
A few days after, Bahadur sent Sadat Khan and Shaikh Pir Muhammad Husain, two of his
chief men, to the Emperor, with ten elephants and as entreaty for forgiveness. Two days afterwards
Shaikh Pir Muhammad was sent back into the fortress, and Sadat Khan was kept as the guest of
Shaikh Farid. The escort which had come out with him was ordered to return with Pir Muhammad;
but the men, about a hundred in number, declared that they would not return into the fortress and
become prisoners (asir) in Asir. Permission to remain was given to those who could give some bail
that they would not run away, otherwise they were to be put in confinement. In the end some found
the required bail, and some went back into the fortress.
Among the causes which brought about the surrender of the fortress Was the impurity of the
atmosphere, which engendered two diseases. One was paralysis of the lower extremities, from the
waist downwards, which deprived the sufferer of the powers of motion; the other was a weakness of
sight. These maladies greatly distressed and discouraged the men of the garrison, so that men of all
ranks and degrees were of one mind and voice in urging Bahadur to capitulate. At their instance he
wrote to the Emperor offering to surrender. The siege thus ended.
When Bahadur came out, the Emperor held a grand darbar, at which all the great men were
present, and Bahadur Was amazed at the splendour and state. Mukarrib Khan, and several other of
Bahadur's nobles, were sent into the fortress, in advance of Shaikh Abu-l Fazl, to inform the
garrison of the surrender, and to require the giving up of the keys. When they approached, Mukarrib
Khan's father mounted the top of the fort, and reviled him for having thrown his master into bonds
and surrendered the fort. Unable to endure his abuse, the son stabbed himself two or three times in
the abdomen, and a few days afterwards he died. On the 17th Safar the royal forces were admitted,
and the keys were given up. ***Khan-khanan, who had come from Ahmadnagar, went into the
fortress and placed the royal seal on the treasure and warlike stores, which were then placed in
charge of responsible officers. Just at this time Mirza Jani Beg of Tatta died.
On the 8th Shaban the Emperor bestowed great honours on Shaikh Abul Fazi, including a
banner and kettle-drums; and a hundred amirs were placed under his orders to assist in the
subjugation of the Dakhin. Khan-khanan was sent to Ahmadnagar, and general conquest of the
Dakhin was committed to him The Emperor went in and inspected the fortress. All the treasures and
effects of Bahadur Khan, which had been collected by his ancestors during two hundred years, were
brought out, and the Wives and women of Bahadur, two hundred in number, were presented. The
Emperor stayed in the place three days, and then proceeded to Burhanpur**.
On the 28th Shawwal all the country of the Dakhin, Birar, Khandesh, Malwa, and Gujarat
were placed under the rule of Prince Daniyal.
(Elliot and Dowson Vol. VI, pp. 132—146.)
